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Edmund Quincy (search for this): chapter 13
brother's welcome to the founder and representative of the New England Anti-Slavery Society on his reaching England in 1833. A shake of the hand by this madman turned the current London Breakfast to W. L. G. p. 47. of his life, and decided the character of his future occupations. The talents of George Thompson were such as would have insured him brilliant success at the bar, and he was strongly urged to enter the legal profession by such eminent members of it as Lord Brougham, Edmund Quincy writes to Mr. Garrison from Boston, Aug. 10, 1838: I have just heard part of a letter from Charles Sumner, in which he says that he heard Lord Brougham's anti-slavery speech in the House of Lords, in which he paid the highest compliments to George Thompson, saying that he was one of the most eloquent men he had ever heard either in or out of Parliament, etc. This was suppressed, for some reason or other, in the Reports. Brougham's speech was made July 16 (Lib. 8.151). the Right Hon. Ste
Lyman Beecher (search for this): chapter 13
s of the controversy be seen in our columns (Lib. 5.3). and by the consequent notoriety which for the moment eclipsed that of his friend and host. This is not the place, looking backward, to dwell at length on the great incidents of the year already alluded to—the anti-slavery uprising and secession at Lane May's Recollections, p. 102; Life of Arthur Tappan, Chap. 13. Seminary, under the leadership of Theodore D. Weld, against the suppression of free debate by the Trustees, with Dr. Lyman Beecher's assent: a revolt in which the names of James A. Thome, of Kentucky, Marius R. Robinson, of Tennessee, and Henry B. Stanton were also prominent; and the formal abandonment of the Colonization Society May's Recollections, p. 203; Mass. Abolitionist, 2.133. by an ex-slaveholder, J. G. Birney, The emancipated and emancipator (Ms. May 11, 1835, W. L. G. to his wife). on grounds apparently worked out independently of the Thoughts, and therefore all the more confirmatory of that arrai
W. F. Channing (search for this): chapter 13
on, January 20, 1834. Ms. in possession of Dr. W. F. Channing, Providence, R. I. Rev. And dear sir: I haonately and respectfully, Wm. Lloyd Garrison. Rev. Dr. Channing. It is not known that any answer was ever May already cited, remarks: Dr. Ante, p. 462. Channing is said to have given on Sunday [October 12, 1834] an abolition sermon. One who heard it wrote that Channing had come out an abolitionist. Lib. 4.188. Propeve Ms. Nov. 24, 1834, to W. L. G. respecting Dr. Channing? Has he indeed taken the position of a real aboave an opportunity to converse with Thompson. Dr. Channing's wish would have been anything but that—anythinon wrote to G. W. Benson: Sickness prevented the Rev. Dr. Channing from being present at our meeting [of the Neat question of immediate emancipation. In July, Dr. Channing was accounting for the New York riots by the fatLife just cited.) There was, however, nothing in Dr. Channing's physical or mental constitution to make him an
with complacency, or preferred over another, by slaveholders or their apologists? Are not all their names cast out as evil? Are they not all branded as fanatics, disorganizers and madmen? Has not one of them (Dr. Cox) had his dwelling and meeting-house rudely Lib. 4.114. and riotously assaulted, and even been hunted in the streets of New York? Has not another (Beriah Green) been burnt in Lib. 4.23. effigy in the city of Utica? (To say nothing of the sufferings and persecutions of Arthur and Lewis Tappan, and other individuals.) Why are they thus maltreated and calumniated? Certainly, not for the phraseology which they use, but for the principles which they adopt. Are they not all tauntingly stigmatized as Garrison-men ? As soon as any man becomes hostile to colonization, and friendly to abolition, is he not at once recognized and stamped by the enemy as a Garrisonite? Then how can it be averred that it is my language that gives offence, seeing that it is only my principle
Timothy Jackson (search for this): chapter 13
ng secretary of the local anti-slavery society, and, together with D. L. Child and S. E. Sewall, one of the trustees of the Noyes Academy at Canaan. N. H., which was opened in the fall of 1834 to colored youth on equal terms with white (Lib. 4.38, 169). of Rogers's neighbor, John Farmer, the antiquarian; of Farmer's Lib. 4.175. constant correspondent in Boston, Francis Jackson; Francis Jackson was born in Newton, Mass., in 1789, and became the historian of that town. His father, Timothy Jackson, was a minute-man who joined in the pursuit of the retreating British on April 19. 1775. He himself was a soldier at Fort Warren in Boston harbor in the War of 1812. He early took an active part in the municipal affairs of Boston, and directed some of its chief territorial improvements, but did not seek office. He was a very tower of strong will, solid judgment, shrewd forecast, sturdy common sense; sparing of words, yet a master of terse, homely English; simple and frugal in his hab
money-getting part of the business. He also approached the American Anti-Slavery Society, with the result of an offer on its part to purchase a certain Ms. Dec. 20, 1834, from A. L. Cox. number of the anti-slavery publications undertaken by Garrison & Knapp, if sufficient means were furnished them from other sources to relieve them from their present embarrassment. Apparently a significant part of the indebtedness was carried by James Forten. Arnold Buffum had his plan Ms. Nov. 18, Dec. 13, 1834. of making Mr. Garrison the corresponding secretary of the New England Anti-Slavery Society, and the salaried editor of the Liberator, adopted as its organ. Elizur Wright, Jr., with much warm-heartedness and practical Ms. Nov. 12, 1834, to W. L. G. sympathy, urged Mr. Garrison to put delicacy aside, and quit his post for a few months and make a lecturing tour for the avowed purpose of gaining support for his Liberator. Finally, George Thompson, now Mr. Garrison's Ms. Nov. 10
Lewis Tappan (search for this): chapter 13
Mr. Thompson and his family out of the Atlantic Hotel, to gratify an indignant Southern guest. Prudence dictated that the object of this Ms. Oct. 7, 1834, Lewis Tappan to W. L. G. brutality should not begin his public addresses on the spot where he landed, and where the embers of the July riots were hardly cold. In the Courigle of words we ever had together was when I cautioned him on the severity of his language; remind him of my advice, and tell him not to forget it. Similarly, Lewis Tappan wrote from New York to George Ms. Thompson, on January 2, 1835: The fact need not be concealed from you that several of our emancipationists so disapprove oork? Has not another (Beriah Green) been burnt in Lib. 4.23. effigy in the city of Utica? (To say nothing of the sufferings and persecutions of Arthur and Lewis Tappan, and other individuals.) Why are they thus maltreated and calumniated? Certainly, not for the phraseology which they use, but for the principles which they ad
J. C. Ayer (search for this): chapter 13
nd a committee of citizens requested him to leave town immediately under pain of Lib. 4.175. being mobbed if he reentered the Convention. Disturbers followed him from Augusta to Hallowell, but Lib. 5.4. were overawed. At Concord, New Hampshire, he was interrupted with missiles while addressing a ladies' meeting. At Lowell, Mass., on his second visit, in the Town Hall, a brickbat thrown from without through the Lib. 4.194; Cowley's History of Lowell, p. 82, and Reminiscences of J. C. Ayer, p. 154. window narrowly escaped his head, and, in spite of the manliness of the selectmen, a meeting the next evening was abandoned in the certainty of fresh and deadly assaults. Before this conclusion was known, a placard in the streets (December 2), declaring that agitation of the slavery question would endanger the safety of the Lib. 4.195. Union, asked: Do you wish instruction from an Englishman? and invited a rally at the hall that evening, to convince Southerners that their ri
Samuel May (search for this): chapter 13
lyn, Conn., in 1824. Peace and Plenty, they sometimes called her, not more in allusion to her uniformly placid disposition than to her easily aroused and irrepressible mirthfulness. By nature abstemious in her living, a famous patron of cold water, simple in her tastes, and modest in her attire, so generous and disinterested, so susceptible and obliging, so kind and attentive, the youngest daughter was a universal favorite. She was the picture of health, and the sound mind and Rev. Samuel May, p. 17, Memorial to Helen Eliza Garrison. sound body were evidently united in her. The natural result of good spirits followed, and these were invariably present. But they were not the mere result of good health. Courtesy, thoughtfulness for others, gentle manners and kindly words were the rule of the household, and they found a ready disciple and their best soil in her, and united to form even at that early period a very attractive character. To a certain degree self-distrustful and
A. B. Muzzey (search for this): chapter 13
emoir, pp. 366, 367. were abusing this great cause, mismanaging it by their unreasonable violence, and by what I thought unchristian language, and a convention was proposed in Massachusetts, I joined a few gentlemen in Cambridge Twenty-three in number, most if not all Unitarians. The first four names on the list were Henry Ware, Sidney Willard, Charles Follen, H. Ware, Jr. Further on came W. H. Channing, Charles T. Brooks, Frederick H. Hedge, etc. (see the preamble and Constitution in A. B. Muzzey's Reminiscences and memorials, p. 294). in an association for the purpose of inquiring whether something might not be done to moderate the tone they were using, and prevent the mischief which we thought likely to ensue. We were foolish enough to imagine that we might possibly exert some favorable influence. We attempted it, and of course we failed; for all who know Mr. Garrison know that he is not a man to be controlled or advised. Our Society lived about a year, and has now virtually
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