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Charles Arthur Beauregard (search for this): article 2
rmies to occupy such an extent, and where is the moral strength which could dispense with occupying them and hold the place of soldiers? We simply wish to touch upon facts — nothing but facts. What do we see on the side of the Confederates? They burn their produce; they burn their provisions; they destroy their railways; they blow up their dockyards, their arsenals, and their ships; they leave their wives and children to fight in battle. When in a proclamation of savage energy, General Beauregard recommends the planters to destroy their crops which are within reach of the enemy, and to apply the torch to them without delay or hesitation, it is not simply a captain excited by the drunkenness of war who speaks — it is the general sentiment loudly expressed. Had not numerous meetings already expressed their opinion? Once, again, let us observe, we do not wish to express our own ideas on such acts; we simply wish to give facts. On the other hand, what are the Federals doing?
hat consequently it cannot be addressed to those who would like to engraft a slave war on a civil war, or to those who consider the institution of slavery as an institution of Divine right. This mediation, a point most singularly overlooked, corresponds not only to the most vital interest to commercial Europe, but also to the most sensible minds that represent the interests of America. Let us remember that President Lincoln had pronounced himself in the same sense as, before him, Generals Burnside and Butler did, against an excitement to a slave war, and that in his last proclamation he called to mind his special message, quoting the following resolution, adopted by large majorities by both Houses of Congress: "The United States must co-operate with that State which might adopt the gradual abolition of slavery, by giving to such State, in its judgment, such a compensation as is required for public or private inconveniences resulting from such a change of system." Let u
Picayune Butler (search for this): article 2
y to the most vital interest to commercial Europe, but also to the most sensible minds that represent the interests of America. Let us remember that President Lincoln had pronounced himself in the same sense as, before him, Generals Burnside and Butler did, against an excitement to a slave war, and that in his last proclamation he called to mind his special message, quoting the following resolution, adopted by large majorities by both Houses of Congress: "The United States must co-operate oubtedly to stand aloof. The London Herald, in strong terms, asks, "how long is America to be indulged and Europe to en on the insurmountable difficulties of the North, it contends that separation is the only basis for peace. It denounces Gen. Butler and his proclamation in the strongest terms, and says it is enough to enlist universal sympathy for the South. The Manchester Guardian contends that the time for England to interfere has not yet come, if indeed it ever will, and attaches
Constitutionnel (search for this): article 2
France and England. [from the London Shipping Gazette, June 11.] We transferred to our columns yesterday an article on the American struggle from the Constitutionnel, which is worthy of attentive perusal, not alone for the clearness of the views and the force of the arguments advanced, but because of the very probable inspution, and he asks, naturally enough, to what purpose is this waste of human life, this insane expenditure of the results of human industry? We, like the Constitutionnel, recognize in the terms proposed by Mr. Yancey the "basis of a possible arrangement," and we rejoice at the prospect of mediation founded upon that basis; buttunity be seized to bring the pressure of a friendly Government to hear in the direction where alone it can produce the desired effect. If the article in the Constitutionnel reflects, as it most probably does, the views of the imperial Government, and even foreshadows as policy, let the attempt at mediation be made or renewe
Fishmonger's hall (United Kingdom) (search for this): article 2
, directly or indirectly, in the question of slavery where it exists; I do not think that I have the right to do so legally, and I am by no means inclined to do so." It is thus that the North speaks in the spirit of moderation and of justice. Will the South be less accessible to this spirit of conciliation and of wisdom? We do not think so, and we have a proof at hand. A man of consideration in the South, (Mr. Yancey,) a Commissioner of the Southern States, at a banquet given at Fishmonger's Hall on the 9th of November last, in London, spoke as follows: When our adversary shall have become sufficiently calm to treat us as belligerents, the aurora of peace will appear in the horizon. When that hour has struck, I think I may say that the Confederate Government will not show itself inflexible, except upon one point — the care of our honor and of our independence. As regards the great interest of peace and humanity, our, Government will know how to make concessions in every
, for its success. The Paris correspondent of the London News, writing on the rumors of mediation, says: You will observe that, according to the wording of the Patric's note, nothing more is affirmed than that France has determined to ask England to join in mediation — a proposal which, in the present state of public information as to the views of the British Government, it might be thought would be certainly refused. Other Paris correspondence speak as if France was already assured on to quarrel with the decision of the Cabinet, and the country will gladly leave the question in the hands of the Government to choose such an opportunity and mode of action as they may deem proper. The London Times, admits that advice from England would not be acceptable; but it would rejoice to see the Emperor of France or the Char of Russia press on the Americans the counsels which would be indignantly rejected if offered by England. The London Times then speculates on the disastro
England. Mr. Beresford Hope writes to the London Times in favor of mediation. He claims to have felt the popular pulse in England during the course of lectures which he has been giving on America, and asserts that a great majority of the people would fain see the strife terminated by the establishment of the Southern Confederacy. Miscellaneous foreign items The Prince of Wales reached Windsor June 14, from the East. The Japanese Ambassadors were to embark at Woolwich for Holland on the day that the Etna left Liverpool. The number of visitors at the Great Exhibition on Monday, the 9th, was 58,682--the largest attendance yet. The English Court had been ordered into mourning for a week on account of the death of the Grand Duchess of Hesse. The Pacha of Egypt continued in London, and had been visited by the Lord Chamberlain on the part of Her Majesty. Paris letters say that a telegram dated Brussels, the night of the 14th of June, holds out little h
Beresford Hope (search for this): article 2
y basis for peace. It denounces Gen. Butler and his proclamation in the strongest terms, and says it is enough to enlist universal sympathy for the South. The Manchester Guardian contends that the time for England to interfere has not yet come, if indeed it ever will, and attaches little importance to the French reports of negotiations. It thinks France can go further in the matter than England, and would rejoice to see the struggle ended without the interference of England. Mr. Beresford Hope writes to the London Times in favor of mediation. He claims to have felt the popular pulse in England during the course of lectures which he has been giving on America, and asserts that a great majority of the people would fain see the strife terminated by the establishment of the Southern Confederacy. Miscellaneous foreign items The Prince of Wales reached Windsor June 14, from the East. The Japanese Ambassadors were to embark at Woolwich for Holland on the day that the
Divine right. This mediation, a point most singularly overlooked, corresponds not only to the most vital interest to commercial Europe, but also to the most sensible minds that represent the interests of America. Let us remember that President Lincoln had pronounced himself in the same sense as, before him, Generals Burnside and Butler did, against an excitement to a slave war, and that in his last proclamation he called to mind his special message, quoting the following resolution, adopavery, by giving to such State, in its judgment, such a compensation as is required for public or private inconveniences resulting from such a change of system." Let us bring to bear upon this passage another solemn declaration made by President Lincoln in his inauguration address of the 4th of March, 1861:-- "I have no intention to interfere, directly or indirectly, in the question of slavery where it exists; I do not think that I have the right to do so legally, and I am by no means
ent of new cotton fields. The Times editorially approves of mediation, and says that Europe ought not to look calmly on and do nothing in the present aspect of affairs. If the offer of mediation is delayed, the more important question — that of the recognition of the Confederate States--may have to be considered. The London News argues strongly against interference in America, and contends that England has good reasons for not wishing to see carried out the intervention policy of Napoleon, which seeks to establish an empire, with slavery for its corner-stone. The London News says that from the moment European soldiers shall set foot in the States, the Government of that Republic will enter upon a new era of its existence. Its political isolation will be at an end, and it will be compelled to become and remain a great military and naval Power, which is not for the interest of England nor for the peace of the world. The article also contends that England should not assi
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