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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 6,437 1 Browse Search
Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation 1,858 0 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 766 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 310 0 Browse Search
Admiral David D. Porter, The Naval History of the Civil War. 302 0 Browse Search
Raphael Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat During the War Between the States 300 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 266 0 Browse Search
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley 224 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 222 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 214 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 7. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for England (United Kingdom) or search for England (United Kingdom) in all documents.

Your search returned 26 results in 11 document sections:

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re has lately, without acceding to said request, entered into correspondence, as Her Majesty's Consul, with the Secretary of War of these confederate States, thereby disregarding the legitimate authority of this government. These, therefore, are to declare that I do no longer recognize the said George Moore as Her Britannic Majesty's Consul in any part of these confederate States, nor permit him to exercise or enjoy any of the functions, powers, or privileges allowed to the consuls of Great Britain. And I do wholly revoke and annul any Exequatur heretofore given to the said George Moore by the government which was formerly authorized to grant such Exequatur as agent of the State of Virginia, and do declare the said Exequatur to be absolutely null and void from this day forward. In testimony whereof, I have caused these letters to be made patent, and the seal of the confederate States of America to be herewith affixed. Given under my hand this fifth day of [seal.] June, in th
Doc. 21.-capture of the Caleb Cushing, In the harbor of Portland, me., June 27, 1863. Portland, June 29, 1863. since the fight between the Enterprise and Boxer, in our waters, during the last war with Great Britain, there has not been so much excitement in this city as there was last Saturday. Early in the morning it was reported that the revenue cutter Caleb Cushing had been surreptitiously taken out of the harbor. Various rumors were afloat respecting it. One was that Lieut. Davenport, who is a Georgian by birth, had run away with her. The cutter had been seen between five and six o'clock in the morning, proceeding outward, through Hussey's Sound, towed by boats, as the wind was very light, and from the Observatory all her movements could distinctly be seen. Mr. Jewett, Collector of the Port, was informed of the circumstances a little after eight o'clock, and before nine o'clock he had three steamers employed in searching for the vessel, and discovering her pos
ain amicable relations with all nations, and with none do its interests invite the formation of closer ties than with Great Britain. Although feeling aggrieved that the government of her Majesty has pursued a policy which, according to the confessih he considers to exist between the belligerents, and has conferred signal advantage on our enemies in a war in which Great Britain announces herself to be really and not nominally neutral, the President has not deemed it necessary to interpose any buse, however, the result of this tolerance on the part of the President, which is too serious to be longer allowed. Great Britain has deemed it for her interest to refuse acknowledging the patent fact of the existence of this Confederacy as an indd to the government of our enemies assumes the power to issue instructions and exercise authority over the consuls of Great Britain residing within this country; nay, even of appointing agents to supervise British interest in the confederate States.
be peaceable. Secondly, they promised that if perchance war should ensue, it would be a very short war, that it would not last six months; that the Yankees would not fight; that one Southerner could whip from ten to one hundred of them; that England and France would speedily recognize us and render us every assistance we might desire; that whatever might be their abstract opinions of the subject of slavery, their interests would impel them to promote its perpetuity in the Southern States; t the terror of the civilized world; or of those French Huguenots, who, thrice in the sixteenth century, contended with heroic spirit and various fortunes against all the genius of the house of Lorraine, and all the power of the house of Valois. England and France have not recognized us — have not raised the blockade — have not shown us any sympathy, nor is there any probability that they ever will, and that cotton is not king is now universally acknowledged. And Maryland has not joined the Co
several hundred of the prisoners to bring to Cincinnati. Had the boat not been seized by Captain Wood when it was, Morgan would have had it, and crossed the river with it; for the gunboats did not arrive till Sunday morning, while Morgan was there the night before; so let Marietta be proud of her gentlemen soldiers, who were not too proud to carry coal or do any work which would hinder the enemies of the Union and help her defenders. The South boasts that all of her people are in the fight — rich and poor, old and young — and that they can yet whip us. When all our rich and poor and old and young, who are at heart right, are engaged, we can whip the South, even if France and England do help them. Our people have not yet awakened out of sleep. Only a little more of this kind of work from Wood and Vallandigham's friends, and the honest people, who are for the Union without an if or but, will arise and overthrow all who oppose them, to the eternal shame of all traitors. G. P. E
Doc. 59.-neutrality of England. Petition to Earl Russell.To the Right Honorable the Earl Russell, Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for the Foreign Department: the memorial of the undersigned shipowners of Liverpool showeth: adequate to retrieve. That your memorialists cannot shut their eyes to the probability that in any future war between England and a foreign power, however insignificant in naval strength, the example now set by subjects of Her Majesty, while EnglEngland is neutral, may be followed by citizens of other countries neutral when England is belligerent; and that the attitude of helplessness in which Her Majesty's government have declared their inability to detect and punish breaches of the law, notorEngland is belligerent; and that the attitude of helplessness in which Her Majesty's government have declared their inability to detect and punish breaches of the law, notoriously committed by certain of Her Majesty's subjects, may hereafter be successfully imitated by the governments of those other countries in answer to English remonstrances. That the experience of late events has proved to the conviction of your
rs ago, and they have been confirmed by many and repeated statutes of the realm. A single palpable violation of them in England would not only arouse the public indignation, but would endanger the throne itself. For a persistent disregard of them,robable cause, are duly and illegally charged with some known crime, and a suspension of the writ was never asked for in England or in this country, except to prevent such enlargement when the supposed offence was against the safety of the governmenly estimate the feeling of the people on this subject, that for the crime of dispensing with the laws and statutes of Great Britain, our ancestors brought one monarch to the scaffold, and expelled another from his throne. This power which you havprisonment of a citizen of New-York, and no power on earth but that of the President can release them. Can the Queen of England, in her dominions, do as much? This is the very language of a perfect despotism, and we learn from you with profound em
isonment to torture upon the rack, or execution upon the gibbet? If an indefinable kind of constructive treason is to be introduced and engrafted upon the Constitution, unknown to the laws of the land, and subject to the will of the President whenever an insurrection or invasion shall occur in any part of this vast country, what safety or security will be left for the liberties of the people? The constructive treasons that gave the friends of freedom so many years of toil and trouble in England, were inconsiderable compared to this. The precedents which you make will become a part of the Constitution for your successors, if sanctioned and acquiesced in by the people now. The people of Ohio are willing to cooperate zealously with you in every effort, warranted by the Constitution, to restore the Union of the States; but they cannot consent to abandon those fundamental principles of civil liberty which are essential to their existence as a free people. In their name, we ask t
Doc. 130.-Secretary Seward's circular. Circular no. 39. Department of State, Washington, August 12. sir: Whenever the United States have complained of the premature decrees of Great Britain and France, which accorded the character of a belligerent to the insurgents, the statesmen of those countries have answered, that from the first they agreed in opinion that the efforts of the Government to maintain the Union, and preserve the integrity of the Republic, could not be successful. With a view to correct this prejudgment of so vital a question, I addressed a circular letter to the representatives of the United States in foreign countries on the fourteenth day of April, 1862, in which I reviewed the operations of the war on sea and, land, and presented the results which had attended it down to that period. The prejudice, which I then attempted to remove, still remains, and it constitutes the basis of all that is designedly or undesignedly injurious to this country in the
th. Next day (May thirteenth) burnt ship Crown Point, another San Francisco packet from New-York. We then went to Seara, where we again coaled, and started for the Northern coast; and on the sixth June burnt ship Southern Cross, from San Francisco, bound to New-York. On the fourteenth June, burnt the ship Red Gauntlet, from Boston to Hong-Kong. From her we also got coals, but they were not good, as we afterward found out. On the sixteenth, took ship B. F. Hoxie, bound from California to England. From her we got about one hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars' worth of silver, and burnt in her over fifty tons of silver ore. On the twenty-seventh June, captured schooner V. H. Hill, and bonded her for ten thousand dollars, on condition that she would carry our prisoners, some fifty or more, to Bermuda. Our next prize was the ship Sunrise, eight days from New-York to Liverpool, having a neutral cargo, bonded her for sixty thousand nine hundred dollars; this was on the seventh
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