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he arrived December 5. He was greeted with extraordinary demonstrations of admiration and good-will; and the enthusiasm which swept over the city not only pervaded the populace, but extended in a large degree to the educated classes, lawyers, clergymen, and editors. Parke Godwin, of the New York Evening Post, was one of his most earnest advocates. Coming as he did with a national invitation, there was a propriety, it was thought, in according to Kossuth a national reception. On the first day of the session, when he was still on the ocean, Foote of Mississippi, at the instance of Webster the Secretary of State, offered in the Senate a resolution for the purpose; but as special objections were made to its form, it was withdrawn by the mover, and the debate proceeded on one offered by Seward, which in the name and behalf of the people of the United States gave him a cordial welcome to the capital and to the country. This also was opposed on the ground that Kossuth had done no
sent no other alternative than their present candidate. Their organ, the Commonwealth, was equally explicit and peremptory; March 18, 19, 20, 31. and it answered the Times's publication of the Faneuil Hall speech by reprinting it in full in its own columns, approving it in all respects as stating the doctrines of the party and of its candidate. But with all this exhibition of pluck, and while still rallying their forces, they had at the beginning of April little hope of success. On the second day of that month the vote outside of those given for Sumner and Winthrop rose to thirty-five, and the former lacked nine votes of an election. At that stage, James M. Stone of Charlestown, a member of the House, by nature firm in purpose, stated in debate his conviction that though Sumner was his first choice, all further efforts to elect him would be fruitless, and that to avoid throwing away the results of the autumn's victory there must be a change of candidate. Courier, April 3. Gov
during this session, and at the beginning of the next in December, he spoke of all senators to whom he happened to refer. In the recess he was named in important Whig journals as the probable Whig candidate for the Presidency. He came again to the Senate in December, 1853, with hope and activity undiminished. He interposed in the Whig caucus, as already noticed, against his colleague being placed by the Whigs on any committee in the manner Chase had been assigned by the Democrats. On the fourth day of the session he paid a memorial tribute to the deceased Vice-President King. A question, however, was impending, the most portentous in our history, for which he had no heart. As a member of Congress at an early period, and as governor of Massachusetts, he had spoken of slavery and its opponents in a tone below even the Northern sentiment of the period; and he had supported the Compromise of 1850, giving his full countenance to all Webster had said and done in its behalf. As far as
respect to his memory. Brooks was buried in the cemetery adjoining the Baptist Church at Edgefield village. In the centre of the family lot, which contains the gravestones of his parents and other kindred, rises an obelisk, the most conspicuous monument in the cemetery, which gives on three sides the dates of his career, carved insignia of the Palmetto regiment to which he belonged, and the assurance that he would be long remembered as one in whom all the virtues loved to dwell. On the fourth side is this tribute, of which the last sentence was from Keitt's eulogy in Congress: Ever able, manly, just, and heroic, illustrating true patriotism by devotion to his country, the whole South unites with his bereaved family in deploring his ultimately end. Earth has never pillowed upon her bosom a truer son, nor Heaven opened wide her gates to receive a manlier spirit. This spot was visited March 26, 1890. by the writer,—perhaps the only, or at least the first, Northern man who has ev
ty in Boston in the period 1846– 1850, as will be explained elsewhere, but his visits to Longfellow were kept up with the same frequency as before. The latter's poems and prose works were read to him in manuscript or proof. It was rare that on Sundays he did not visit the Craigie house at Cambridge, going thither by the omnibus from the morning service at King's Chapel. The poet wrote in his journal, Dec. 23, 1847, Sunday is Sumner's day, and he came as usual; Some, but not all, of these hile that company continued to sing. Marini, the grand basso, gave him especial delight. When Jenny Lind gave concerts in Boston, in October, 1850, he enjoyed her very much, and kindly took me three evenings to hear her. Sumner attended on Sundays the morning service at King's Chapel, sitting at the head of the family pew; but it was not congenial to him. The pastor, Rev. Ephraim Peabody, To be distinguished from Rev. Andrew P. Peabody, who held an open antislavery position. did not co
a reply. As well in the House as in the Senate the partisans of slavery often assailed Massachusetts and her people, particularly the Emigrant Aid Company, as responsible for all the disorders in Kansas, as disturbers of the national peace, and instigators of rebellion. Bayard, April 10, and Clay, April 21, in the Senate. In the Senate Collamer spoke (April 3 and 4) on affairs in Kansas and the constitutional question of the power of Congress over the Territories. Seward spoke on the 9th, when he delivered an elaborate speech already in manuscript. He avoided, as was his habit, all antagonism with senators, or a direct reply to their positions,—not so much as once referring to what any senator had said. A formal arraignment of the President as the chief promoter of the disturbances gave to the speech its chief interest. Seward's habit of dealing in vague generalizations and soaring speculations was the subject of criticism at other times. J. S. Pike's First Blows of the
n in Paris, he had recourse to Dr. Brown-Sequard, who concurred with Dr. Hayward in the opinion that the curative influences of time and change of scene were not sufficient to meet the case, but that it required active treatment. Dr. Hayward expressed to Sumner full confidence that he would recover, though warning him that much patience on his part and considerable time would be required. Dr. Brown-Sequard met Sumner first at the latter's lodgings, Hotel de la Paix, Rue de la Paix, on the 10th, having assured his patient in the note by which he made the appointment that there was not a human being, his own family included, whom he would so heartily rejoice to relieve from pain. After a diagnosis lasting three hours, and accompanied with the application of ice and boiling water, he decided that the blows on the head had taken effect by contre-coup in the spine, producing disturbance in the spinal cord. Works, vol. IV. p. 33n. Two letters from the correspondent of the New York
ppeal from the decision of the chair. Fessenden gave his vote for the repeal, while Hamlin remained discreetly silent. As a member of the committee on pensions, Sumner attended faithfully to matters referred to it, as appeared from the reports he submitted and the bills he pressed to a passage. He took an interest in questions of procedure, and his incidental remarks at different times showed close attention to public business. The session ended August 7, and Sumner arrived home on the 13th. Sumner's course during the session, in connection with his character and position, brought to his support the mass of the clergy of his State. He had already among them many friends and admirers, who recognized in his arguments for peace and freedom the moral elevation of his aims. Such were Woods and Storrs, the seniors of those names, among Trinitarians; and A. P. Peabody, Livermore, Francis, and Clarke, among Unitarians. But now, with rare exceptions, the clergy as a body gave to
in body. Still, he felt that his life had not been in vain; and he looked forward to the future of our country with confidence, though he felt assured that it was only through some great cataclysm—some terrible struggle to come—that slavery could be crushed and liberty secured. But no matter what comes, he said we must be free; no price is too great to pay for freedom. Sumner went to Civita Vecchia, thence by steamer to Leghorn and Genoa, and by railway to Turin, where he arrived on the 15th. The French army was in Italy, soon to meet the Austrians at Magenta. Indeed, a preliminary action took place at Montebello on the 20th, the day before Sumner crossed the frontier. With all his devotion to peace, he was an enthusiast for the Italian cause, and was as much interested in the approaching conflict as if he had been bred a soldier. At Alessandria the station was sheltering from the rain several thousand soldiers, and the train as it entered seemed to penetrate the living mass,
ere will be an outcry; it will be called factiousness, and the bill itself may be endangered; but I shall proceed. Do not let this be known publicly. There are several subjects which I had intended to discuss here, but which time will not allow at this session. But no effort shall be spared to obtain a hearing on slavery. Have faith! The session was to end August 31. The civil and diplomatic appropriation bill, of which Hunter of Virginia had charge, was on his motion taken up on the 19th. It was not, however, till Thursday, the 26th, that any provision came up to which Sumner's amendment could be attached; and though only five days of the session remained, the several appropriation bills had not been acted upon. Sumner was watching meanwhile for his chance, when, on the 26th, Hunter, on behalf of the committee reporting the bill, moved an amendment for paying the extraordinary expense incurred by ministerial officers in executing the laws. This was intended, though no part
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