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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3.

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January 19th (search for this): chapter 10
C. F. Adams's letter, January 18, reviewing the political situation, makes no reference to it. To Mr. Jay belongs the credit of starting the earliest protest in New York,—the public meeting held in Broadway Tabernacle, January 30. The other Northern journals, however, were slow to recognize its import, and they delayed for several weeks—some for a month or more—to take definite ground against it. The Boston Atlas's first notice of the scheme was January 11, and its first article was on January 19; the Journal's first article on January 25; the Advertiser's on January 30; the Courier's, a very brief one, on February 9. All the editorial matter concerning the measure in the last-named journal during the whole controversy would not equal in space one of its several articles on the Eastern Question. The Springfield Republican, January 6, objected to the bill in a brief paragraph, but its first full article on the subject did not appear till February 8. The National Intelligencer's f<
January 19th (search for this): chapter 12
permit; only rest at ease until they shall consent. Sumner's reply is printed in Seward's Life, vol. II. p. 296, in which he said truly, What has been done has been the utterance of the State, without a hint from me. R. H. Dana, Jr., wrote, January 15: No one can say now that you have not a constituency behind you. Where is there a senator who holds by such a tenure? The day has come we have all hoped and labored for,—the day of something like unanimity in New England. Wilson wrote, January 19: What a change here since you took your seat in 1851! And what a change in our State since 1851, when you were elected by one majority! Your case is an illustration of the progress of our cause in the country. . . . How hopeful it is! All we have to do now is to labor on in faith of ultimate success. During the summer Sumner flattered himself at times that he was nearly restored, and so assured others; but such hopes were soon darkened by relapses. As the autumn wore away without an
January 20th (search for this): chapter 7
of an antislavery instead of a pro-slavery national policy; and he proposed a milder set, limited to the territorial question. His message as governor, in January, 1851, refrained from condemning the pro-slavery policy of the government, and sought to tone down the public feeling against the Fugitive Slave law. It was received with disfavor by antislavery men. Whittier, in a letter to Sumner, Jan. 16, 1851, referred to it as that detestable message. The Free Soil organ, the Commonwealth (January 20 and 23), was emphatic in disapproving it. Governor Boutwell signified by letter his approval of Mr. Webster's Compromise course. and received a grateful reply. （Webster's Private Correspondence, vol. II. pp. 472, 479.) Sumner's opinion of the governor's position at this period appears later (post, p. 247). He was more careful than Banks—a Democrat also—not to compromise his position in the national party. Favorable signs, however, soon appeared. Some of the indomitables—nearly all
January 20th (search for this): chapter 10
e action of the previous Congress, and the form in which the bill had been reported, he mentioned only as his objection to it that it would evidently bring up a discussion of the whole subject of slavery,—a circumstance greatly to be deplored. Mr. Everett's doubtful position at first, and his request for advice, were stated publicly at the time. Commonwealth, February 15; April 6. The answers he received were explicit in advising resistance to the measure. Governor Clifford replied, January 20, in a manly letter, in which he said: My own judgment is clearly fixed and settled, independent of any effect it may have upon our existing political organizations, that the moral element involved in this question is too serious to be made any further or any longer subordinate to the political exigencies arising out of it. Choate's answer is given in his Life, by Brown (p. 291), in which, while recommending opposition to the bill, he expressed solicitude lest Mr. Everett should be drawn i
January 20th (search for this): chapter 12
ave trespassed against liberty, from wisconsin to Massachusetts. Think of this. The presentation of the petitions would remind these judges that a power was growing in the country which would yet summon them to justice. What are the chances of the personal liberty law? I had hoped to challenge a discussion of that here in reply to any allusion to Massachusetts; but Gardner's message is the beginning of an embarrassing fire in the rear, which compels me to alter my tactics. Again, January 20:— The House is at a dead-lock. The slave oligarchy now says, Anybody but Banks. If the Republicans would seriously unite on another man the enemy would allow the plurality vote and a consequent election; but this would give victory to (1) the slave oligarchy, (2) the petty squad of dissentients, and (3) the American organization in contradistinction to the Republicans. My counsel has been to stick to Banks, and leave the future to take care of itself. The House of Representati
January 21st (search for this): chapter 7
t days of February, was not credited. （Boston Atlas, March 1.) The Southern leaders had been advised of the tenor of the speech two weeks before it was delivered. (A. II. Stephens's Life, by Johnston and Browne, p. 250.) Webster, as early as January 21, admitted Clay to a confidence as to his purpose which he withheld from his own people. G. T. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 397. and at first only one Whig newspaper The Newburyport Herald. in Massachusetts, outside of Boston, cordust find me an absolutely independent man. The Hunkers, Whigs, and Democrats are sweating blood to-day. You perceive that all the Hunker press, representing Cassism and Websterism, are using every effort to break up our combination. Again, January 21:— You are right in auguring ill from the Fabian strategy. When the balloting was postponed for three days, I thought our friends had lost the chances. My own opinion now is that they are lost beyond recovery; but others do not share thi
January 21st (search for this): chapter 8
seen Kossuth several times. He said to me that the next movement would decide the fate of Europe and Hungary for one hundred years. I told him at once that he was mistaken; that Europe was not destined, except for a transient time, to be Cossack. . . . There is a wretched opposition to him here proceeding from slavery. In truth, slavery is the source of all our baseness, from gigantic national issues down to the vile manners and profuse expectorations of this place. To E. L. Pierce, January 21:— I have one moment for you, and only this. My speech was an honest utterance of my convictions on two important points. I pleaded at the same time for Kossuth and for what I know to be the true policy of our country. I told him in a long private interview the day before he left Washington, that if he had made at Castle Garden the speech he made at the Congressional banquet, he would have united the people of this country for him and his cause; but that he had disturbed the peace-
January 21st (search for this): chapter 10
of 1850. Douglas, February 7, added the term void to inoperative, changed the phrase superseded by to inconsistent with, and further amplified the clause. Benton, in the House, called the repealing provision a little stump speech injected into the belly of the bill. The antislavery newspapers gave the alarm even before the bill was printed by the Senate. New York Tribune, Jan. 6, 9, 10; New York Evening Post, Jan. 6, 7, 17, 24, 25, 26, 28, 1854; Boston Commonwealth, Jan. 9, 11, 16, 21; National Era, Jan. 12, 19, 26, and Feb. 2, 9, 16, 23, 1854. There are brief references to the scheme in the New York Evening Post, Dec. 10, 15, 1853. The National Era, as early as April 14, 1853, in reviewing at length the failure to organize the Territory during the session which had just closed, unfolded the designs of the slaveholding—interest, and called for a positive affirmation of the prohibition in any subsequent bill. The Boston Commonwealth, March 28, 1853, was vigilant at that t
January 22nd (search for this): chapter 7
s of an election, and then again lacking eight or nine votes of the requisite majority, and once as many as twelve. His own vote was relatively changed but little from what he received at the beginning, though increased seven on some ballots, and even eight on one,—the variations being due to the absence of members on particular ballots rather than to changes of votes. The Advertiser, April 25 and 26, undertook an explanation of the variations; but it was a difficult task. Meantime, on January 22 he was elected on the part of the Senate, receiving twenty-three out of thirty-eight votes; Sumner would have been easily elected in a joint convention of the two Houses, such as is now held in case of disagreement. and Robert Rantoul, Jr., a Democrat, was chosen by both branches for Webster's unexpired term, which Winthrop was temporarily filling. To the end the contest in the House continued a doubtful one. The counts were sometimes unsatisfactory; and from February 20 the members w
January 22nd (search for this): chapter 8
organs, and are accustomed to give to the public as a part of the news of the day whatever is said or done by any prominent public man, no matter how hostile or offensive to them his position may be. There were miscellaneous matters to which Sumner gave his attention at his first session; and in some of them his interest continued during his entire service in the Senate. He moved a resolution to abolish the spirit ration in the navy, and increase the pay of the enlisted men; Jan. 19 and 22. 1852. Sumner renewed the proposition at the next session (March 3, 1853). Sigma of the Boston Transcript (January 26, 1852), noting the resolution, wrote that he was glad, after running up the formidable column of Mr. Sumner's sins, to make such a respectable entry to his credit. also a resolution for cheap ocean postage, the rate being then twenty-four cents for half an ounce, for which he gave his reasons briefly. Works, vol. III. p. 45. He moved, July 20, another resolution on the sub
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