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felt assured that it was only through some great cataclysm—some terrible struggle to come—that slavery could be crushed and liberty secured. But no matter what comes, he said we must be free; no price is too great to pay for freedom. Sumner went to Civita Vecchia, thence by steamer to Leghorn and Genoa, and by railway to Turin, where he arrived on the 15th. The French army was in Italy, soon to meet the Austrians at Magenta. Indeed, a preliminary action took place at Montebello on the 20th, the day before Sumner crossed the frontier. With all his devotion to peace, he was an enthusiast for the Italian cause, and was as much interested in the approaching conflict as if he had been bred a soldier. At Alessandria the station was sheltering from the rain several thousand soldiers, and the train as it entered seemed to penetrate the living mass, and yet all was order and tranquillity. At Turin he had an interview with Cavour, then the first statesman of Europe; and in that city h
arity of handwriting is curious to observe, particularly in its relation to the language. He was calm as if he felt himself master of the situation, and asked me to observe the tranquillity of Turin, with not a soldier to be seen. . . . He asked me to observe that, though now invested with absolute power, their government had put but one restriction on the press,—which was not to publish news about the war, except sanctioned by the regular bulletins. Sumner bade farewell to Italy on the 21st,—unhappy, as he wrote to Dr. Howe, at the thought that he should not see the country again, a presentiment which proved true. His love for Italy appears in his letter to a public meeting in New York. Feb. 17, 1860. (Works, vol. IV. pp. 413-415.) His interest in Italian unity was often shown. Letters of Jan. 10 and Feb. 27, 1871; Works, vol. XIV. pp. 139-141; Ibid., p. 167. He drove by way of Susa in an open carriage, hired only by himself, at the price of two hundred and twenty francs
the day closed, although the marshal had executed his process of arrest without resistance, they had entered the town with muskets and fixed bayonets, broken up printing presses and thrown them into the river, and opened fire on the hotel belonging to the Emigrant Aid Company; but being built of stone, and resisting effectually cannon shot, as well as the attempt to explode it, they set it on fire, and then pillaged the stores and homes of the inhabitants. They withdrew and dispersed on the 22d,—a day remarkable in Sumner's life. This was the incipient stage of civil war, to be succeeded by scenes of bloodshed in the Territory, and five years later by the great Rebellion. What was then passing in Washington also foreshadowed the future. Wilson says, in his History Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. II. p. 496.:— As Charles Sumner was closing his masterly portrayal of the crime against Kansas on the floor of the United States Senate, during the afternoon of the 20
ancis P. Blair, Sr., Silver Springs, Md., near Washington. Here he suffered a relapse; the unhealed wound continued obstinate, and singular sensations in the bead gave him forebodings of paralysis and insanity. He wrote, June 23, to Dr. Howe: For nearly four weeks I lay twenty-two hours out of the twenty-four on my back; and I am still very feeble, but able to totter a mile round the garden, and hoping daily for strength, which comes slowly. He came in from Silver Springs on Wednesday, the 25th, in answer to a summons to appear before the grand jury. He remained three days, during which numerous calls upon him, the writing of several letters of introduction for his friend R. H. Dana, Jr., who was about to visit England, and the writing and dictation of other letters, were followed by exhaustion; and after the three days he returned to Mr. Blair's. Seward, who in company with Foster called on him at Mr. Blair's, July 4, wrote— He is much changed for the worse. His elastic
, April 30, 1874. John Bigelow came to dine with him; but John Van Buren, who was invited, was unable to accept. From his lodgings at Delmonico's he wrote on the 26th, Thanksgiving Day, letters to relatives and friends, full of tenderness, and showing with what concern he entered on his new career:— My very dear Julia,—Ye civil and diplomatic appropriation bill, of which Hunter of Virginia had charge, was on his motion taken up on the 19th. It was not, however, till Thursday, the 26th, that any provision came up to which Sumner's amendment could be attached; and though only five days of the session remained, the several appropriation bills had not been acted upon. Sumner was watching meanwhile for his chance, when, on the 26th, Hunter, on behalf of the committee reporting the bill, moved an amendment for paying the extraordinary expense incurred by ministerial officers in executing the laws. This was intended, though no particular law was mentioned, at least in part if
Parts of Butler's speech justify the impression that he was of a generous nature, and under different conditions would have deserved esteem. At first he confessed a reluctance to pursue the matter to a personal issue with Sumner, on account of their former friendly relations, particularly on account of the latter's revision of his classical quotations and other literary service; but as the first day's colloquy left the advantage with Sumner, he felt obliged to renew the controversy on the 28th. This is related on the authority of Mr. Rockwell. Butler stated in his speech June 12, 1856 (Congressional Globe, App. p. 626), that up to the delivery of this speech of Sumner he spoke with him, but that he then gave him notice that he should have no further communication with him, and that after that he had none. Pursuing his inconsistencies, and exposing them to judgment, I had almost forgotten his associate leader in the wanton personal assault upon me in this long debate,—I mean the v
o fill the place. My audience was most attentive; but my visit was very brief. I left the Court Ho use where I was engaged, at four o'clock in the afternoon, and was addressing the judge again at half-past 9 o'clock the next morning. To W. W. Story, Jan. 14, 1848:— I was glad to hear of your pleasant voyage and happy arrival at superb Genoa. I doubt if there is any place so entirely calculated to charm and subdue a voyager fresh from the commercial newness of America. . . . The January North American has a remarkable article by Franklin Dexter, on the recent book by an Oxford graduate. Modern Painters. I have never seen anything from him so cleverly done. Tidings come constantly of Emerson's success in England. An article in Blackwood, and a very elaborate criticism in the Revue des Deux Mondes place him with Montaigne. To Richard Cobden, February 12:— Though personally unknown to you (for you have doubtless forgotten the dinner at Mr. Parkes's in London,
were given against the measure in both Houses: two in the Senate,—John Davis of Massachusetts, and Thomas Clayton of Delaware,—and fourteen in the House, with the name of John Quincy Adams standing at their head. Mr. Calhoun pleaded for deliberation; denied the truth of the statement in the bill as to the origin of the war; distinguished between hostilities which had begun and war which could alone he authorized and declared by Congress; and refused to vote on the bill. (See his speeches, Jan. 4, March 16, 17, 1848.) Berrien of Georgia, and Evans of Maine, senators, also refused to vote on it. Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp. 253, 265. Thee Massachusetts members present, except two, voted with the minority. the mass of Whig members, except only the sixteen, thus voted for a bill supplying the means for a war which they believed to have been unjustly and unconstitutionally begun, and containing a declaration as to its origin which they pronounced historically false. The
profound interest on both sides, and watched with deep anxiety by the country. Toombs, Stephens, Clingman, Jefferson Davis, and Foote read elaborate speeches at the beginning of the session, and, supported by the bolder spirits of the South, declared themselves ready for disunion in the event of legislation by Congress prohibiting slavery in the territories, or even of the admission of California with her free State constitution. In Mississippi, Governor Quitman's inaugural message, in January. 1850, was an harangue for disunion. They seemed to be sincere in this aggressive and threatening attitude, though it was observed at the time that their governing impulse was ambition and empire, and slavery the pretext which was used to fire the Southern heart. But it did not yet appear that the masses of the Southern people were with them in their revolutionary purpose. Meanwhile preparations were made for a convention to meet at Nashville in June. These demonstrations had an effect o
s in which the public lands lie have an equitable claim to peculiar consideration from the national government, arising from the fact that while they are so held, and for some time after a sale, they are exempt from State or municipal taxation. Jan. 27, Feb. 17, March 16, 1852. Works, vol. III. pp. 12-42. Senators from the West and Southwest— Fetch of Michigan, Geyer of Missouri, and Downs of Louisiana —were grateful for co-operation from an unexpected quarter, and expressed in debate theirhad gained in the preceding Congress all it could expect to gain for the present; and the supporters of the Compromise were averse to further agitation of the subject. Foote of Mississippi, however, who was to leave the Senate at the end of the first month to become governor of his State, and was unwilling to forego another opportunity for defending slavery, introduced a resolution on the first day of the session declaring the Compromise measures a definitive settlement of the questions concer
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