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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4.

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Andrew Jackson (search for this): chapter 1
f from the debate on the crisis, yielding with some reluctance to the counsels of friends, who thought that if he gave his views his motives would be misconceived, and he would be accused of a purpose to increase the excitement. Notes of an undelivered speech prepared in February show his tone of mind at the time. Works, vol. v. pp. 481-483. But he was not altogether silent. A few days after the session began he read to the Senate, with brief comments, an original private letter of Andrew Jackson, written in May, 1833, to Rev. Andrew J. Crawford, in which, referring to the attempt of South Carolina at nullification (then recently arrested), he said that the tariff was only the pretext, and disunion and a Southern confederacy the real object, and added that the next pretext will be the negro or slavery question. Works, vol. v. pp. 433-436. Mr. Crawford, then living at the South, was harassed by his neighbors on account of the publication of this letter, and shortly after dest
Mason (search for this): chapter 1
Very soon all slavedom will be in a blaze,—Virginia as much as any other State, embittered by the teachings of Wise and Mason. General Scott says: Since the 2d of January,—yes, sir, since the 2d of January, the President has done well. Jeff.ates, or their refusal to vote. It was supported by Douglas, and by the Democratic and Southern Whig senators, including Mason, Hunter, and Wigfall, who had not yet left the Senate. It was this scheme which received the approval of the city counciily, preferring his place in the Senate to any other. The Senate listened to the disunion speeches of Clingman, Wigfall, Mason, and Breckinridge, and to speeches hardly less mischievous from Douglas and Bayard. Douglas was bitter in the extreme toon which the two parties had agreed. Sumner was made chairman of the committee on foreign relations, taking the place of Mason, who had held the post since 1851. His associates were Collamer, Doolittle, Harris, Douglas, Polk, and Breckinridge. He
William Schouler (search for this): chapter 1
, A Word for the Hour, is in the same vein. He wrote Sumner, March 13, 1861: The conflicting rumors from Washington trouble me. I am for peace, not by conceding our principles, but by simply telling the slave States go, —border ones and all. I believe in the irrepressible conflict. Wendell Phillips, in a passionate harangue, affirmed the right of the slave States, upon the principles of 1776, to decide the question of a separate government for themselves. April 9, 1861, at New Bedford; Schouler's History of Massachusetts in the Civil War. vol. I. pp. 44-47. Phillips said, I maintain on the principles of ‘76 that Abraham Lincoln has no right to a soldier in Fort Sumter. To apply to him his favorite expression, he remembered to forget the inclusion of this address in his volume of speeches. Thurlow Weed, on the other hand, contemporaneously with Greeley's prompt declaration, proposed to reach a peaceful issue in another way,—by acceding to the substance of the claims of the secede<
Nathaniel P. Banks (search for this): chapter 1
termined effort in Massachusetts to repeal the personal liberty law of the State. An appeal to that effect, signed by Chief-Justice Shaw, recently retired from office, B. R. Curtis, Joel Parker, George Ticknor, and a large number of persons of high standing, was published in the papers and presented to the Legislature. It was supported by leading Boston journals. George Ashmun, who had presided at the national Republican convention, in an open letter to Mr. Winthrop urged the repeal. Governor Banks, yielding to the pressure, in a farewell message recommended the repeal; while his successor, Governor Andrew, took the opposite position, though willing to assent to the revision of any doubtful provision. Sumner was most earnest in his protests against a repeal, insisting that any questions concerning the statute should be left to the courts, and that a repeal under menace would be a humiliation. His letters, which were freely shown among members of the Legislature, were thought to h
Ulysses S. Grant (search for this): chapter 1
cism of the other. Both were members of the Saturday Club in the years 1870-1873, and probably met at its monthly dinners; but it is not remembered that they conversed together at these reunion. Both were with the club April 27, 1861, and Oct. 27, 1873. Longfellow's Life, vol. II. p. 365; Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. II. p. 360. Adams's letter, March 13, 1874, to a Faneuil Hall meeting, contains an appreciative estimate of Sumner. If Adams had been the candidate in 1872 against General Grant, he would have been supported by Sumner with entire cordiality. In 1874 Adams paid a tribute to Sumner's memory at a meeting of the Massachusetts Historical Society,—a service which Sumner, if he had been the survivor, would have as sincerely rendered to the memory of Adams. Mr. Adams, after his return from Europe, did not resume his former political relations, and he was at one time the Democratic candidate for governor. His confidential intercourse with his old Free Soil associate
Daniel E. Sickles (search for this): chapter 1
l. I. pp. 388-393, 512. Cushing made, November 26, an inflammatory speech at Newburyport, which affirmed the right of secession, and denied the right of the government to coerce the seceders. (Boston Post, November 27, 28, 29.) His letter, November 19. justifying the complaints of the seceders is printed in the Boston Advertiser, November 21. Henry Wilson replied to him at length in a trenchant letter, which reviewed his earlier and better record. New York Tribune, December 26. and Daniel E. Sickles, in his speech in the House, Dec. 10, 1860, set up the city of New York as a barrier against the march of national troops for the maintenance of the Union. Journals of great influence, notably the New York Herald and Albany Argus, stimulated the conspiracy with harangues which justified the seceders and denied to the government the right to reduce them to submission by force. Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. pp. 395, 396. James Gordon Bennett's later change of front is describ
June 19th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 1
th or without slavery, as its constitution prescribed at the time of admission. But the opponents of that Compromise at the time, and the Republican party later, always treated that provision, as well as a similar one in the Nebraska bill, as purely legislative declarations, subject to repeal and to be repealed whenever the pro-slavery power should be overthrown. On this view they acted when they prohibited slavery in all the Territories by the statute which President Lincoln approved June 19, 1862. Mr. Adams supported his propositions and others of the committee of Thirty-three by votes in the House,—some of his colleagues from Massachusetts joining with him, but the greater number separating from him. McPherson's History of the Rebellion, pp. 57-62; Congressional Globe, pp. 1262-1264, 1284, 1285, 1327, 1328, 1330. In the House, John Sherman, Schuyler Colfax, and William Windom voted for the proposed constitutional amendment. John Sherman agreed with Adams as to the admission
Nicolay (search for this): chapter 1
n's could not fail. Greeley's despairing state of mind at times is revealed in his letter to Lincoln, July 29, 1861. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IV. p. 365. A great pressure was brought to bear upon Mr. Lincoln, before he left hthe Missouri Compromise line, or the adoption of the dogma of popular sovereignty. New York Tribune, Jan. 30, 1861. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. III. pp. 258, 259, 279-288, 327 note. This general statement concerning Mr. Lincoln's p the suggestion of concentration of power with the single comment: I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. III. pp. 444-449. Seward's biographer does not explain or comment upon his remarkable s irritation, were phrased with an exasperating bluntness, and certain directions were lacking in diplomatic prudence. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IV. pp. 269-277, Sumner was in Washington when this despatch was under consideration, a
Lewis Cass (search for this): chapter 1
h; and Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, equally disloyal with Floyd, who lingered till January 8. Black, the Attorney-General, gave an elaborate opinion, November 20, strung with sophistries, denying the right of the government to maintain itself by armed force in the insurgent States. The President refused, against the appeal of the loyal members of his Cabinet, to reinforce the forts in the harbor of Charleston. From such a Cabinet, in which he could no longer remain with honor, even Cass, Secretary of State, after a career of subserviency to the South, withdrew, December 14, to be succeeded by Black. The notion of State supremacy, which recognized an allegiance to the State on the part of its citizens higher than any due from them to the nation, had so corrupted the minds of officers of the army and navy from the South that a painful uncertainty prevailed as to the loyalty of Southern men holding high commands in either service. Many, to their honor be it said, never wavere
Joseph Holt (search for this): chapter 1
direct encouragement of rebellion. Fortunately for his fame, he ended the year better than he began the session. On the voluntary retirement of three traitors from his Cabinet he called to the vacant places three loyal men,—Edwin M. Stanton, Joseph Holt, and John A. Dix; and from that time they, in conjunction with Black,—now improved in his conception of public duty and constitutional law,—largely directed the President's action. Though from the beginning of the new year to his last day in The Union was to be maintained not by fencing with propositions, but by the patriotism and endurance of the free States. Sumner during this anxious period conferred often with General Scott and the loyal members of Buchanan's Cabinet-Stanton, Holt, and Dix—in reference to the safety of the capital and measures necessary to secure a regular and peaceable inauguration of President Lincoln. Works, vol. v. pp. 454, 457-459. He was, in frequent letters to Governor Andrew, most urgent that M
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