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Washington (United States) (search for this): chapter 11
Private, which has already been given to the world. I quote the portion referring to Stanton: [Private.] headquarters armies of the United States, Washington, D. C., August 1, 1867. His Excellency, A. Johnson, President of the United States: Sir,—I take the liberty of addressing you privately on the subject of the con letter to Stanton, of which I preserved the original draft, with the lines struck out by Grant's own hand: headquarters armies of the United States, Washington, D. C., August 12, 1867. Sir,—Enclosed herewith I have the honor to transmit to you a copy of a letter just received from the President of the United States, no respect, your ob't serv't, U. S. Grant, General. To Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. To this Stanton replied as follows: War Department, Washington City, August 12, 1867. General,—Your note of this date, accompanied by a copy of a letter addressed to you, August 12th, by the President, appointing you Secret<
West Point (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
y had achieved, bringing back the rule they had overturned, defying the decision of the faithful North, installing sedition in the place of loyalty. On the 7th of June Grant wrote to Sheridan as follows: I was absent from here on my way to West Point when the correspondence commenced between you and the Secretary of War which culminated in the removal of Governor Wells. I knew nothing of it, except what was published in the papers, until my return here yesterday. The Secretary's dispatch apparently obey the directions of a superior and yet neutralize his intent and purpose. This very letter to Sheridan was written under peculiar circumstances, and to explain away the apparent disapproval of the Secretary. Grant had gone to West Point, whither I accompanied him, but his visit was suddenly terminated, and he returned to Washington because of a telegram from the Assistant Adjutant-General at his own headquarters, containing only these words: You are needed here. This was in c
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 11
ry of War. It meant, and Grant so understood it, that the President of the United States was plotting mischief, and that the General of the Army was required to helortion referring to Stanton: [Private.] headquarters armies of the United States, Washington, D. C., August 1, 1867. His Excellency, A. Johnson, President of the United States: Sir,—I take the liberty of addressing you privately on the subject of the conversation we had this morning, feeling as I do the great danger d. I would not have taken the liberty of addressing the Executive of the United States thus, but for the conversation on the subject alluded to in this letter, anhe lines struck out by Grant's own hand: headquarters armies of the United States, Washington, D. C., August 12, 1867. Sir,—Enclosed herewith I have the transmit to you a copy of a letter just received from the President of the United States, notifying me of my assignment as Acting Secretary of War, and directing me
Machiavelli (search for this): chapter 11
adherent. This would naturally antagonize the Republicans, while, with the President's party, the President himself of course was chief. Johnson probably feared no rival but Grant. He flattered himself he could defeat any other candidate of the Republicans, so that by making Grant impossible he would secure his own success. Thus the Administration undoubtedly hoped to enjoy the benefit of Grant's popularity at the very moment they were seeking to undermine it; a bit of craft worthy of Machiavelli, or of Seward. But Grant protested earnestly against the entire proposition. He not only did this promptly in conversation, when Johnson announced the design, but on his return to his own headquarters he wrote the famous letter marked Private, which has already been given to the world. I quote the portion referring to Stanton: [Private.] headquarters armies of the United States, Washington, D. C., August 1, 1867. His Excellency, A. Johnson, President of the United States:
Andrew Johnson (search for this): chapter 11
emand. More than this, the hopes held out by Johnson of easier terms had revived the ambition and thing elements of disorder were stirred up by Johnson's obstinacy. The Southerners would have submas devised in order to make it impossible for Johnson to remove subordinates who were not in harmonthe 20th of July. Eleven days afterward, Mr. Johnson sent for Grant and informed him that he inthe law, to hinder the Reconstruction policy. Johnson could hardly have hoped to accomplish much byilled in the arts of political chicanery, and Johnson may have thought it possible still to inveiglhere was also doubtless a personal reason why Johnson wished to foster this idea. It was plain by people could easily be led to suppose he was Johnson's adherent. This would naturally antagonize , the President himself of course was chief. Johnson probably feared no rival but Grant. He flattgton, D. C., August 1, 1867. His Excellency, A. Johnson, President of the United States: Sir,—I t[5 more...]
Ministers (search for this): chapter 11
nsent of the Senate. It is but a short time since the United States Senate was in session and why not then have asked for this removal if it was desired? It certainly was the intention of the Legislative branch of the Government to place Cabinet Ministers beyond the power of Executive removal, and it is pretty well understood that, so far as Cabinet Ministers are affected by the Tenure of Office bill, it was intended specially to protect the Secretary of War, whom the country felt great confCabinet Ministers are affected by the Tenure of Office bill, it was intended specially to protect the Secretary of War, whom the country felt great confidence in. The meaning of the law may be explained away by an astute lawyer but common sense and the views of loyal people will give to it the effect intended by its framers. . . . In conclusion, allow me to say as a friend, desiring peace and quiet, the welfare of the whole country North and South, that it is in my opinion more than the loyal people of this country (I mean those who supported the Government during the great Rebellion) will quietly submit to, to see the very men of all other
U. S. Grant (search for this): chapter 11
Government during the war. It was approved by Grant, with whom the fact that the people had spokeng in the Cabinet, probably knew even more than Grant of the designs and machinations of the Presidesage from the Secretary of War. It meant, and Grant so understood it, that the President of the Uneans. He also stated that he meant to appoint Grant himself Secretary of War ad interim. There couandidate of the Republicans, so that by making Grant impossible he would secure his own success. Tft worthy of Machiavelli, or of Seward. But Grant protested earnestly against the entire proposihis superior, but Johnson remained immovable. Grant had at once made known the President's purposee the President persisted. It was agreed that Grant's duty in that event was to accept the positiof the evils of his removal. The protests of Grant delayed Johnson's action just five days. The Office act, suspending Stanton and appointing Grant Secretary of War ad interim. Grant thereupo[19 more...]
Edwin M. Stanton (search for this): chapter 11
the spring and summer of 1866 both Grant and Stanton were opposing their common superior, for both people, to whom Presidents are responsible. Stanton remained in the Cabinet for the express purpoIn considering the behavior of both Grant and Stanton at this period it must be borne in mind that and informed him that he intended to suspend Stanton, and at the same time remove Sheridan from Neat once made known the President's purpose to Stanton and Sheridan, as well as to others in his cone prevent further mischief. He could take up Stanton's course when Stanton was no longer in the Ca, in a formal letter, the President requested Stanton's resignation. The same day Stanton answeredStanton answered, also in writing, that public considerations of a high character constrained him from resigning beob't serv't, U. S. Grant, General. To Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. To this Stantonhat he should not have accepted the post, but Stanton could hardly have been in an amiable mood whe[19 more...]
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 11
e history of the country. A Cabinet Minister and the General of the Army were doing their utmost to thwart the President; the two men of all then living who had been foremost in the struggle against rebellion were opposing the successor of Abraham Lincoln. The President himself, and all but one of his legal advisers, were engaged in the effort to subvert or pervert the declared will of the people, and those who in ordinary times should and would have been his most faithful supporters, now de in order to make it impossible for Johnson to remove subordinates who were not in harmony with his views. The President naturally desired to have only his own supporters in office at such a crisis, while Congress was determined that those whom Lincoln had appointed should not be displaced by the successor who had certainly betrayed his party, and who they thought was ready to betray his country. So the law was passed, against the protestations and over the veto of the President, prohibiting
Wells (search for this): chapter 11
ould have been the first servant of the State as at this moment its most dangerous enemy. They thought he was undoing all that they had achieved, bringing back the rule they had overturned, defying the decision of the faithful North, installing sedition in the place of loyalty. On the 7th of June Grant wrote to Sheridan as follows: I was absent from here on my way to West Point when the correspondence commenced between you and the Secretary of War which culminated in the removal of Governor Wells. I knew nothing of it, except what was published in the papers, until my return here yesterday. The Secretary's dispatch was in obedience to an order from the President written on Saturday before starting South, but not delivered to the Secretary until Monday after I left my office. I know Mr. Stanton is disposed to support you, not only in this last measure, but in every official act of yours thus far. He cannot say so because it is in Cabinet he has to do this, and there is no telli
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