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rney, and the frank, honest, and independent George Wythe, a lover of classic learning, accustomed to guide the house by his strong understanding and single-minded integrity, exerted all their powers to moderate the tone of the hot and virulent resolutions; Fauquier to Lords of Trade, 5 June, 1765, and 11 May, 1776. while John Randolph, the best lawyer in the colony, singly Dunmore to Dartmouth, 25 June, 1775. resisted the whole proceeding. But, on the other side, George Johnston, of Fairfax, reasoned with solidity and firmness, and Henry flamed with impassioned zeal. Lifted beyond himself, Tarquin, he cried, and Caesar, chap XIII.} 1765 May. had each his Brutus; Charles the First, his Cromwell; and George the Third—— Treason! shouted the Speaker; treason, treason! was echoed round the house, while Henry, fixing his eye on the first interrupter, continued without faltering, may profit by their example! Letter from Virginia, 14 June, 1765. In the London Gazetteer of 13
outside of the closed hall, eager to catch the first tidings of resistance, and George Washington, as is believed, was in his place as a member, he maintained by resolutions, For the authentic copy of Henry's Resolutions as first proposed, see Wirt's Patrick Henry, Section Second. that the inhabitants of Virginia inherited from the first adventurers and settlers of that Dominion, equal franchises with the people of Great Britain; that royal charters had declared this equality; that taxation house, and on Thursday, the thirtieth of May, having been adopted by small majorities, the fifth by a vote of twenty to nineteen, they became a part of the public record. I would have given five hundred guineas for a single vote, Jefferson to Wirt. exclaimed the Attorney-General, aloud, as he came out past young Jefferson, into whose youthful soul the proceedings of that day sunk so deeply, that resistance to tyranny became a part of his nature. But Henry carried all the young members with
Joseph Warren (search for this): chapter 13
sh empire were subordinate, chap. XIII.} 1765. May. was the duty and the interest of the colonies; that this supreme legislature, the parliament of Great Britain, was happily the sanctuary of liberty and justice; and that the prince who presided over it realized the idea of a patriot king. Contrary to usage, the house made no reply; but on the sixth of June, James Otis, Diary of Ezra Stiles. Tenth Toast at Liberty Tree, 14 Aug. 1766. The late Alden Bradford the informed me, that Mrs. Warren, of Plymouth, who was the sister of Otis, told him the proposal was planned at her house, on the return of Otis from a visit to Barnstable. The impulse was given in Boston Instructions of 1764. of Boston, in single-minded wisdom, advised the calling of an American Congress, which should come together without asking the consent of the king, and should consist of committees from each of the thirteen colonies, to be appointed respectively by the delegates of the people, without regard to th
William Knox (search for this): chapter 13
eech to the General Assembly of North Carolina, 2 May, 1765. acted as Governor, the majority of the legislature were even persuaded by him to make provision for the support of the Church of England, so that dissenters themselves, who more and more abounded in that colony, should not be exempted from sharing the cost of the established religion. In Georgia, the stamp duty chap. XIII.} 1765. May. seemed as equal as any that could be generally imposed on the colonies; Georgia Committee to Knox, 15 April, 1765. though the manner of imposing it greatly inspired alarm. While the act was in abeyance, Hutchinson had, in letters to England, pleaded for the ancient privilege of the colonies with regard to internal taxes; but, on learning the decision of parliament, he made haste to say, that it could be to no purpose to claim a right of exemption, when the whole body of the people of England were against it. He was only waiting to know what more parliament would do towards raising the
no uniformity of measures; the bundle of sticks thus separated will be easily broken. The Stamp Act, he assured the ministry, five weeks after the news of its passage, is received among us with as much decency as could be expected; it leaves no room for evasion, and will execute itself. Hutchinson to a friend, 4 March, 1765: to R. Jackson, 5 May, 4 and 5 June, 1765. Yet the opposition to its execution was preparing, and in theory it was at once rejected. Should Great Britain tax Ireland, inquired a plain New England yeoman early in May, through chap. XIII.} 1765. May. the Providence Gazette, would it be thought a project of independence for that people to remonstrate? The northern colonies fall but little short of Ireland for numbers. Their inhabitants are not dependent on the people of Britain, nor the people of Britain on them, only that they are subjects of the same king. Providence Gazette, 11 May. In Boston, the annual election of representatives in May excite
Isaac Barre (search for this): chapter 13
ept. 1765. At the opening of the legislature of Massachusetts, Oliver, who had been appointed stamp-distributor, was, on the joint ballot of both branches, re-elected councillor, by a majority of but three out of about one hundred and twenty votes. Bernard to Lords of Trade. Representation of Lords of Trade, 1 Oct. 1765. More than half the representatives voted against him. On the very day on which the resolves of Virginia were adopted, and just as the publication of the speech of Barre in the New England paper acquainted all the people, that within parliament itself they had been hailed as the Sons of Liberty, a message from Governor Bernard, who believed the fulfilment of his hopes and counsels near at hand, informed the new legislature of Massachusetts, that they should not vainly make the difficult or impracticable attempt to transfer manufactures from their established abode; that the general settlement of the American provinces, though it might necessarily produce som
e provision for the support of the Church of England, so that dissenters themselves, who more and more abounded in that colony, should not be exempted from sharing the cost of the established religion. In Georgia, the stamp duty chap. XIII.} 1765. May. seemed as equal as any that could be generally imposed on the colonies; Georgia Committee to Knox, 15 April, 1765. though the manner of imposing it greatly inspired alarm. While the act was in abeyance, Hutchinson had, in letters to England, pleaded for the ancient privilege of the colonies with regard to internal taxes; but, on learning the decision of parliament, he made haste to say, that it could be to no purpose to claim a right of exemption, when the whole body of the people of England were against it. He was only waiting to know what more parliament would do towards raising the sums which the colonies were to pay, and which as yet were not half provided for. Hutchinson to I. Williams, 26 April 1775. Openly espousing
George Washington (search for this): chapter 13
f the assembly had made the approaching close of the session an excuse for returning home. But Patrick Henry disdained submission. Alone, a burgess of but a few days, unadvised and unassisted, in an auspicious moment, of which the recollection cheered him to his latest day, he came forward in the committee of the whole house, and while Thomas Jefferson, a young collegian, from the mountain frontier, stood outside of the closed hall, eager to catch the first tidings of resistance, and George Washington, as is believed, was in his place as a member, he maintained by resolutions, For the authentic copy of Henry's Resolutions as first proposed, see Wirt's Patrick Henry, Section Second. that the inhabitants of Virginia inherited from the first adventurers and settlers of that Dominion, equal franchises with the people of Great Britain; that royal charters had declared this equality; that taxation by themselves, or by persons chosen by themselves to represent them, was the distinguishi
the colonies the opinion that from jealousy of neighborhood and clashing interests, they could never form a dangerous alliance among themselves, but must permanently preserve entire their common connection with the mother country. But heedless alike of the derision of those about them, and of the prophecy of the minister, the representatives of Massachusetts shared the creative instinct of Otis. Avoiding every expression of a final judgment, and insuring unanimity by even refusing Brigadier Ruggle's Reasons, &c. to consider the question of their exclusive right to originate measures of internal taxation, they sent letters to every chap. XIII.} 1765. May. assembly on the continent, proposing that committees of the several assemblies should meet at New-York, on the first Tuesday of the following October, to consult together, and consider of a united representation to implore relief. They also elected Otis and two others of their own members to repair to New York accordingly.
John Randolph (search for this): chapter 13
lony. A stormy debate arose, and many threats were uttered. Patrick Henry, in Wirt. Robinson, the Speaker, already a defaulter, Peyton Randolph, the king's attorney, and the frank, honest, and independent George Wythe, a lover of classic learning, accustomed to guide the house by his strong understanding and single-minded integrity, exerted all their powers to moderate the tone of the hot and virulent resolutions; Fauquier to Lords of Trade, 5 June, 1765, and 11 May, 1776. while John Randolph, the best lawyer in the colony, singly Dunmore to Dartmouth, 25 June, 1775. resisted the whole proceeding. But, on the other side, George Johnston, of Fairfax, reasoned with solidity and firmness, and Henry flamed with impassioned zeal. Lifted beyond himself, Tarquin, he cried, and Caesar, chap XIII.} 1765 May. had each his Brutus; Charles the First, his Cromwell; and George the Third—— Treason! shouted the Speaker; treason, treason! was echoed round the house, while Henry, fixi
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