hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity (current method)
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Charles Sumner 1,580 0 Browse Search
George Sumner 1,494 0 Browse Search
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 642 0 Browse Search
Robert C. Winthrop 392 0 Browse Search
Henry Wilson 348 0 Browse Search
William H. Seward 342 0 Browse Search
Fletcher Webster 328 0 Browse Search
Douglas 236 8 Browse Search
Edward Everett 224 0 Browse Search
Benjamin F. Butler 208 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. Search the whole document.

Found 3,144 total hits in 653 results.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 ...
the Free State settlers as daring and defiant revolutionists. Also as rebels and revolutionists, April 10. Benjamin, May 2, called them conspirators. In his references to Republican senators, he continued to speak of them as black Republicans. bate. Clay of Alabama imputed to Hale the practice of seeking the society of Southern senators and fawning upon them, May 2. The threat of social ostracism came frequently during the session from slaveholding members. The idea was in the Southebate should be suspended till the 19th, when he would be entitled to the floor. He had already signified his purpose on May 2, when Douglas was pressing the bill, to address the Senate upon it; and for some weeks before, his intention to speak at length was a matter of public knowledge. When he stated his purpose, May 2, Butler was in the Senate, and continued to participate in debates as late as the 6th. Congressional Globe, pp. 1117, 1119. He then went home to South Carolina with full
p. 1117, 1119. He then went home to South Carolina with full knowledge that Sumner was to speak. This brief notice of the debates and proceedings in Congress must suffice to indicate the spirit which prevailed on both sides. The pro-slavery party, led by Douglas and his Southern allies, were determined to browbeat Northern senators,—to compel them to silence by threatening the penalties of treason; and the boldest of them were meditating personal violence. Sumner wrote to William Jay, May 6:— I regret that you are going out of the country during these coining months; for we shall need here the moral support that comes from the presence, if not the activity, of good men. Indeed, we are on the brink of a fearful crisis. The tyranny of the slave oligarchy becomes more revolting day by day. To-day I am smitten by the news from Kansas. That poor people there are trampled down far beyond our fathers. For some tine I have tried for the floor, and confidently count on it next
ngth against the proposition to originate appropriation bills in the Senate, contending that it contemplated a practice which according to the best interpretation was not allowed by the Constitution. Feb. 7, 1856. Works, vol. IV. pp. 83-92. He stated the same view in debate, Feb. 10, 1865. In two speeches on the mode of abrogating treaties he maintained, that, as under the Constitution a treaty is the supreme law of the land, it could be abrogated only by act of Congress. March 6 and May 8. Works, vol. IV. pp. 98-120. the occasion which led him to introduce a resolution to this effect was President Pierce's notice to Denmark for terminating the treaty in relation to the Danish Sound dues given in pursuance of a resolution of the Senate. It was suspected at the time that Southern senators, who were urging the power of the Senate to abrogate the treaty, had in view the making of a precedent for the revocation of the treaty with Great Britain requiring a naval force on the coa
avoided, as was his habit, all antagonism with senators, or a direct reply to their positions,—not so much as once referring to what any senator had said. A formal arraignment of the President as the chief promoter of the disturbances gave to the speech its chief interest. Seward's habit of dealing in vague generalizations and soaring speculations was the subject of criticism at other times. J. S. Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 394-398. Cass delivered a speech of great length, May 12 and 13, in defence of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and of the conduct of the Administration in Kansas; and when he finished, Sumner sought to follow him. It was then arranged that the debate should be suspended till the 19th, when he would be entitled to the floor. He had already signified his purpose on May 2, when Douglas was pressing the bill, to address the Senate upon it; and for some weeks before, his intention to speak at length was a matter of public knowledge. When he sta
as was his habit, all antagonism with senators, or a direct reply to their positions,—not so much as once referring to what any senator had said. A formal arraignment of the President as the chief promoter of the disturbances gave to the speech its chief interest. Seward's habit of dealing in vague generalizations and soaring speculations was the subject of criticism at other times. J. S. Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, p. 394-398. Cass delivered a speech of great length, May 12 and 13, in defence of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and of the conduct of the Administration in Kansas; and when he finished, Sumner sought to follow him. It was then arranged that the debate should be suspended till the 19th, when he would be entitled to the floor. He had already signified his purpose on May 2, when Douglas was pressing the bill, to address the Senate upon it; and for some weeks before, his intention to speak at length was a matter of public knowledge. When he stated his p
es from the presence, if not the activity, of good men. Indeed, we are on the brink of a fearful crisis. The tyranny of the slave oligarchy becomes more revolting day by day. To-day I am smitten by the news from Kansas. That poor people there are trampled down far beyond our fathers. For some tine I have tried for the floor, and confidently count on it next week, after General Cass, when I shall expose this whole crime at great length, and without sparing language. To Theodore Parker, May 17:— I have read and admired your speech. It is a whole sheaf of spears against slavery. Alas! the tyranny over us is complete. Will the people submit? When you read this, I shall be saying to the Senate, They will not! Would that I had your strength! But I shall pronounce the most thorough philippic ever uttered in a legislative body. The Missourians were reinforced in the spring of 1856 by recruits from the remote South, for which they had appealed,— notably by those from Sou
olution inviting Mr. Everett to deliver before the Legislature his oration on Washington; but later, after what he had said at Taunton, Mass., the resolution was taken up again and passed. On May 30, in that city, in a preface to his oration he treated the assault as a grave public calamity. The passage is given in Sumner's Works, vol. IV. p. 323. Two years later further explanations appeared in his published letter (National Intelligencer. May 14, 1858; Boston Advertiser, Atlas and Bee, May 18), in which he said that he declined to attend because he had retired to private life and deprecated additional excitement; but that later, at Taunton, he made remarks to impart a more chastened and sober temper to the fiery indignation which pervaded the community. See also New York Evening Post, May 5, 1858, commenting on Mr. Yeadon's defence of him. Mr. Everett also in the same letter explained his signature, at the time of the assault, to a paper approving Sumner's course, which he had n
States marshal for the Territory spread a proclamation in Missouri for a posse to execute a process against a Free State man, and in response the Missourians—among them Atchison, Stringfellow, and Buford—came again into the Territory; and on Monday, May 19, the (lay when Sumner began his speech, they had been for some days in the neighborhood of Lawrence, armed and committing depredations. The next day they came nearer, and on the morning of Wednesday, the day after he had concluded his speech, wrote: It is quite apparent that no one there who has attempted to defend us has any adequate idea of the philosophy of the enterprise; neither have those who have assailed us. I shall expect you to do us justice. Sumner began his speech Monday, May 19. Notwithstanding the heat, with the thermometer at ninety, nearly all the senators were in their seats, and galleries and lobbies and doorways were crowded with a compact mass of spectators, even the anteroom being opened to ladies after the
e novelty of an abolition spectacle. Veteran politicians not in public life—as Francis P. Blair, Sr., Thurlow Weed, and Robert J. Walker—were observed in the throng. Missouri Democrat, cited in Works, vol. IV. pp. 129, 130; New York Tribune, May 20. According to one report, Douglas was heard to say: There are too many people here. Boston Atlas, May 22. While the scene was well fitted to inspire the speaker, there was a pervading sense in the audience that violence and bloodshed were imminf debate. Sumner sustained himself well to the end. Those in the audience who were critical by habit confessed that the speech, in force, manner, and emphatic style, gave them a new conception of the man. J. S. Pike in the New York Tribune, May 20. They likened him, in the combination of oratorical gifts, to the great masters of eloquence in ancient and modern times. One wrote:— That Sumner displayed great ability, and showed that in oratorical talent he was no unworthy successor of<
and speeches, and of the President's message. New York Tribune, May 21. J. S. Pike's First Blows of the Civil War, pp 335-337. Associated ed to with breathless attention, J. S. Pike in New York Tribune, May 21. closed the part of the speech delivered during the first day:— once at least called to order. J. S. Pike, in New York Tribune, May 21; First Blows in the Civil War, p. 336; Evening Post, May 22. It wa that the end of unrebuked insolence had come. New York Tribune, May 21; J S. Pike in Tribune, May 22. The correspondent of the New York Times, May 21, calls Sumner's retort majestic, elegant, and crushing. Thomas H. Benton, meeting Sumner on the same or next day, said: You had would hang Sumner on the spot. (J. S. Pike in the New York Tribune, May 21.) Rivers, a Southern member, said in presence of other members the the crown of martyrdom. Theodore Parker having written to Sumner, May 21: God bless you for the brave words you spoke the other day, and hav
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 ...