hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity (current method)
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 250 0 Browse Search
1775 AD 243 243 Browse Search
1774 AD 184 184 Browse Search
Gage 176 6 Browse Search
New England (United States) 146 0 Browse Search
England (United Kingdom) 132 0 Browse Search
Samuel Adams 96 0 Browse Search
Franklin 94 0 Browse Search
William Prescott 86 0 Browse Search
France (France) 80 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition.. Search the whole document.

Found 135 total hits in 45 results.

1 2 3 4 5
David Hume (search for this): chapter 23
Massachusetts acts; North was silent about them. Yet even this semblance of humanity was grudged. To recover his lost ground with the extreme supporters of authority, North was obliged to join with Suffolk and Rochford in publishing a paper declaring his intention to make no concessions. The army in Boston was to be raised to ten thousand men, and the general to be superseded on account of his incapacity to direct such a force. If fifty thousand men and twenty millions of money, said David Hume, were intrusted to such a lukewarm coward as Gage, they never could produce any effect. Amherst declined the service, unless the army should be raised to twenty thousand men; the appointment of William Howe was therefore made public. He possessed no one quality of a great general, and he was selected for his name. On receiving the offer of the command, Is it a proposition? he asked, or an order from the king? and when told an order, he replied, it was his duty to obey it. You should h
desire to live with you on the best understanding and the most perfect friendship. A letter from Lord Stormont, the British ambassador at Paris, was also cited in the house of lords to prove that France equally wished a continuance of peace. It signifies nothing, said Richmond; you can put no trust in Gallic faith, except so long as it shall be their interest to keep their word. With this Rochford, the secretary of state, readily agreed; proving, however, from Raynal's History of the two Indies, that it was not for the interest of France that the English colonies should throw off the yoke. The next courier took to the king of France the report, that neither the opposition nor the British minister put faith in his sincerity; and the inference seemed justified that they themselves were insincere. The English mind was in the process of change. Chap. XXII.} 1775. Feb. The destruction of the tea at Boston had been condemned as a lawless riot, for which the pride of the nation deman
inconsiderate zeal to con- 12. demn the minister. Welbore Ellis, and others, particularly young Acland, angry at his manifest repugnance to cruelty, declared against him loudly and roughly. Whether any colony will come in on these terms I know not, said Lord North; but it is just and humane to give them the option. If one consents, a link of the great chain is broken. If not, it will convince men of justice and humanity at home, that in America they mean to throw off all dependence. Jenkinson reminded the house, that Lord North stood on ground chosen by Grenville; but the Bedford party none the less threatened to vote against the minister, till Sir Gilbert Elliot, the well known friend of the king, brought to his aid the royal influence, and secured for the motion a large majority. Lord North must have fallen, but for the active interposition of the king. Yet the conciliation which he offered, could not lead to an agreement, for no confidence could be placed in its author,
ter, who still clung to the hope of reducing Massachusetts by the terrors of legislation, next proposed to restrain the commerce of New England and exclude its fishermen from the Banks of Newfoundland. The best shipbuilders in the world were at Boston, and their yards had been closed; the New England fishermen were now to be restrained from a toil in which they excelled the world. Thus the joint right to the fisheries was made a part of the great American struggle. God and nature, said Johnston, have given that fishery to New England and not to Old. Dunning defended the right of the Americans to fish on the Banks. If rebellion is resistance to government, said Sir George Savile, it must sometimes be justifiable. May not a people, taxed without their Chap. XXII.} 1775. Feb. consent, and their petitions against such taxation rejected, their charters taken away without hearing, and an army let loose upon them without a possibility of obtaining justice, be said to be in justifiab
nning military glory with rank and fortune. His service in America was preceded by a public parade of his principles. I am confident, said the new devotee in the house of commons, there is not an officer or soldier in the king's service who does not think the parliamentary right of Great Britain a cause to fight for, to bleed and die for. The assertion was extravagant; many of the best would not willingly bear arms against their kindred in America. In reply to Burgoyne, Henry Temple Luttrell, whom curiosity once led to travel many hundreds of miles along the flourishing and hospitable provinces of the continent, bore testimony to their temperance, urbanity, and spirit, and predicted that, if set to the proof, they would evince the magnanimity of republican Rome. He saw in the aspect of infant America, features which at maturer years denoted a most colossal force. Switzerland and the Netherlands, he reminded the house, demonstrate what extraordinary obstacles a small band of i
ble. May not a people, taxed without their Chap. XXII.} 1775. Feb. consent, and their petitions against such taxation rejected, their charters taken away without hearing, and an army let loose upon them without a possibility of obtaining justice, be said to be in justifiable rebellion? But the ministerial measure, which, by keeping the New England fishermen at home provoked discontent and provided recruits for an insurgent army, was carried through all its stages by great majorities. Bishop Newton, in the lords, reasoned that rebellion is the sin of witchcraft, and that one so unnatural as that of New England, could be ascribed to nothing less than diabolical infatuation. The minister of France took the occasion to request the most rigorous and precise orders to all British naval officers not to annoy the commerce of the French colonies. Such orders, answered Rochford, have been given; and we have the greatest desire to live with you on the best understanding and the most perf
James Otis (search for this): chapter 23
ime for us to keep our eyes wide open. The proposal was formed on the principle, that parliament, if the colonies would tax themselves to its satisfaction, would impose on them no duties except for the regulation of commerce. A wild opposition ensued. Lord North could not quell the storm, and for two hours he seemed in a considerable minority, more from the knowledge of his disposition to relent, than for the substance of his measure. The plan should have been signed by John Hancock and Otis, said Rigby, in his inconsiderate zeal to con- 12. demn the minister. Welbore Ellis, and others, particularly young Acland, angry at his manifest repugnance to cruelty, declared against him loudly and roughly. Whether any colony will come in on these terms I know not, said Lord North; but it is just and humane to give them the option. If one consents, a link of the great chain is broken. If not, it will convince men of justice and humanity at home, that in America they mean to throw off
en; and we have the greatest desire to live with you on the best understanding and the most perfect friendship. A letter from Lord Stormont, the British ambassador at Paris, was also cited in the house of lords to prove that France equally wished a continuance of peace. It signifies nothing, said Richmond; you can put no trust in Gallic faith, except so long as it shall be their interest to keep their word. With this Rochford, the secretary of state, readily agreed; proving, however, from Raynal's History of the two Indies, that it was not for the interest of France that the English colonies should throw off the yoke. The next courier took to the king of France the report, that neither the opposition nor the British minister put faith in his sincerity; and the inference seemed justified that they themselves were insincere. The English mind was in the process of change. Chap. XXII.} 1775. Feb. The destruction of the tea at Boston had been condemned as a lawless riot, for which t
o keep our eyes wide open. The proposal was formed on the principle, that parliament, if the colonies would tax themselves to its satisfaction, would impose on them no duties except for the regulation of commerce. A wild opposition ensued. Lord North could not quell the storm, and for two hours he seemed in a considerable minority, more from the knowledge of his disposition to relent, than for the substance of his measure. The plan should have been signed by John Hancock and Otis, said Rigby, in his inconsiderate zeal to con- 12. demn the minister. Welbore Ellis, and others, particularly young Acland, angry at his manifest repugnance to cruelty, declared against him loudly and roughly. Whether any colony will come in on these terms I know not, said Lord North; but it is just and humane to give them the option. If one consents, a link of the great chain is broken. If not, it will convince men of justice and humanity at home, that in America they mean to throw off all depende
ribed to nothing less than diabolical infatuation. The minister of France took the occasion to request the most rigorous and precise orders to all British naval officers not to annoy the commerce of the French colonies. Such orders, answered Rochford, have been given; and we have the greatest desire to live with you on the best understanding and the most perfect friendship. A letter from Lord Stormont, the British ambassador at Paris, was also cited in the house of lords to prove that Francm; Chatham proposed to repeal the Massachusetts acts; North was silent about them. Yet even this semblance of humanity was grudged. To recover his lost ground with the extreme supporters of authority, North was obliged to join with Suffolk and Rochford in publishing a paper declaring his intention to make no concessions. The army in Boston was to be raised to ten thousand men, and the general to be superseded on account of his incapacity to direct such a force. If fifty thousand men and tw
1 2 3 4 5