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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 2, 17th edition..

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John Eliot (search for this): chapter 1
lision; and New Haven had been unwilling to merge itself in the larger colony; the wise moderation of Winthrop was able to reconcile the jarrings, and blend the interests of the united colonies. The universal approbation of Connecticut followed him throughout all the remainder of his life; for twice seven years he continued to be annually elected to Chap. XI.} 1662 to 1676. the office of her chief magistrate. Compare further on the younger Winthrop, Savage, in Winthrop, i. 64, and 126; Eliot's Biog. Diet.; Roger Wolcott, in Mass. Hist. Coll. IV. 262—298. And the gratitude of Connecticut was reasonable. The charter which Winthrop had obtained, secured to her an existence of tranquillity which could not be surpassed. Civil freedom was safe under the shelter of masculine morality; and beggary and crime could not thrive in the midst of severest manners. From the first, the minds of the yeomanry were kept active by the constant exercise of the elective franchise; and, except
1681 AD (search for this): chapter 1
he St. 1664 Croix. The proprietary rights to New Hampshire and 1677 Maine were revived, with the intent to purchase then Chap. XI.} for the duke of Monmouth. The fine country from Connecticut River to Delaware Bay, tenanted by nearly ten thousand souls, in spite of the charter to 1664. Winthrop, and the possession of the Dutch, was, like part of Maine, given to the duke of York. The charter which secured a large and fertile province to William Penn, and thus invested philanthropy with 1681. executive power on the western bank of the Delaware, was a grant from Charles II. After Philip's war in New England, Mount Hope was hardly rescued from a 1679. courtier, then famous as the author of two indifferent comedies. The grant of Nova Scotia to Sir Thomas Temple was not revoked, while, with the inconsistency of ignorance, Acadia, with indefinite boundaries, was 1667. restored to the French. From the outer cape of Nova Scotia to Florida, with few exceptions, the tenure of every t
Comm (search for this): chapter 1
d the other, and was made on iniquitous principles. Established as the law of the strongest, it could endure no longer than the superiority in force. It converted commerce, which should be the bond of peace, into a source of rankling hostility, and scattered the certain seeds of a civil war. The navigation act contained a pledge of the ultimate independence of America. To the colonists, the navigation act was, at the time, an unmitigated evil; for the prohibition 12 Car. Il c. XXXIV. Comm. Chalmers, 243. of planting tobacco in England and Ireland, was a useless Chap XI.} mockery. As a mode of taxing the colonies, the monopoly was a failure; the contribution was made to the pocket of the merchant, not to the treasury of the metropolis. The usual excuse for colonial restrictions is founded on the principle that colonies were established at the cost of the mother country for that very purpose. Montesquieu, l. XXI. c. XXI. In the case of the American colonies, the apol
Monk (search for this): chapter 1
ge, a sluggish temperament, a narrowness of mind, and yet a very accurate, though a mean-spirited judgment, which, like a twofoot rule, measures great things as well as small, not rapidly, but with equal indifference and precision. Such a man was Monk, soon to be famous in American annals, from whose title, as duke of Albemarle, Virginia named one of her most beautiful counties, and Carolina her broadest bay. Sir William Coventry, no mean judge of men, esteemed him a drudge; Lord Sandwich sneered at him plainly as a thick-skulled fool; and the more courteous Pepys paints him as a heavy, dull man, who will not hinder business, and cannot aid it. He was precisely the man demanded by the crisis. When Monk marched his army from Scotland into England, he was only the instrument of the restoration, not its author. Originally a soldier of fortune in the army of the royalists, he had deserted his party, served against Charles I., and readily offered to Cromwell his support. He had no adeq
John Clarke (search for this): chapter 1
Parliament the 1652 confirmed union of the territories that now constitute the state, he returned to America, leaving John Clarke 165??? to 1664 as the agent of the colony in England. Never did a young commonwealth possess a more faithful friend; faith that the gracious hand of Providence would preserve them in their just rights and privileges. Commission to John Clarke, in Mass. Hist. Coll. XVII. 90, 91. It Chap. XI.} is much in our hearts, they urged in their petition to Charles II. statesman, the prime minister, who had shown to the colony exceeding great care and love; and to the modest and virtuous Clarke, On Clarke, see Backus, i. 440; Allen's Biog. Dict. The charge of baseness in Grahame, i. 315, is an unwarranted misaClarke, see Backus, i. 440; Allen's Biog. Dict. The charge of baseness in Grahame, i. 315, is an unwarranted misapprehension. His enemies in Massachusetts disliked his principles and his success they respected his fidelity and his blameless character. Grahame is usually very candid in his judgments. the persevering and disinterested envoy, who, during a twelv
1644 AD (search for this): chapter 1
ad in the field of battle With much hypocrisy, his camp was the scene of much real piety; and long afterwards, when his army was disbanded, its members, who, for the most part, were farmers and the sons of farmers, resumed their places among the industrious classes of society; while the soldiers of the royalists were often found in the ranks of vagabonds and beggars. It was the troops of Cromwell that first, in the open field, broke the ranks of the royal squadrons; and the decisive victory 1644. July 2. of Marston Moor was won by the iron energy and valor of the godly saints whom he had enlisted. The final overthrow of the prospects of Charles in 1647. the field, marks the crisis of the struggle for the ascendant between the Presbyterians and Independents. Chap XI.} The former party had its organ in the parliament, the latter in the army, in which the Presbyterian commander had been surprised into a resignation by the self-denying ordinance, and the intrigues of Cromwell. As
Montague (search for this): chapter 1
opinions, habits, and institutions of the nation. The Presbyterian nobility, who had struggled for their privileges against royal power, were unwilling that innovation should go so far as to impair their rank or diminish their grandeur; the Independents, as new men, who had their fortunes to make, were prepared not only to subvert the throne, but to contend for equality against privilege. The Presbyterian earl of Manchester, said Cromwell, shall be content with being no more than plain Montague. The men who broke away from the forms of society, and venerated nothing but truth; others who, in the folly of their pride, claimed for their opinions the sanctity and the rights of truth; they who sighed for a more equal diffusion of social benefits; the friends of entire liberty of conscience; the friends of a reform in the law, and a diminution of the profits of the lawyers; the men, like Milton and Sidney, whose imagination delighted in pictures of Roman liberty, of Spartan virtue; th
Uncas (search for this): chapter 1
s Stuyvesant, who was very fond of a Latin quotation. There was, however, no change in the political principles of New England, which never was regicide. Albany Records, XVIII. 123. and the rising republic on the Connecticut appeared in London by its representative, the younger Winthrop, who went, as it were, between the mangled limbs of his father-in-law, to ensure the welfare of his fellow-exiles in the west. They had purchased their lands of the assigns of the earl of Warwick, and from Uncas they had bought the 1661 Mar. 14. territory of the Mohegans; and the news of the restoration awakened a desire for a patent. But the little colony proceeded warily; they draughted among themselves the instrument which they desired the king to ratify; and they could plead for their possessions their rights by purchase, by conquest from the Pequods, and by their own labor, which had redeemed the wilderness. A letter was also addressed from Connecticut 1661 to the aged Lord Say and Seal,
Mayhew (search for this): chapter 1
by depriving it of its security, and religion of its power to solace, by subjecting it to supervision and control. His crime would not only enslave a present race of men, but forge chains for unborn generations. There can be no fouler deed. Tried by the standard of his own intentions and his own actions, Charles I., it may be, had little right to complain. Yet when history gives its impartial verdict William Prynne's Protestation, in Walker's Anarchia Anglicana, II. 52—54. So, too, Mayhew of Boston. Mass. Hist. Coll. II, 35. on the execution, it remembers that, by the laws of England, the meanest individual could claim a trial by his peers; and that the king was delivered, by a decimated parliament, which had prejudged his case, to a commission composed of his bitter and uncompromising enemies, and erected in defiance of the wishes of the people. His judges were but a military tribunal; and the judgment which assumed to be a solemn exercise of justice on the worst of crimin
1640 AD (search for this): chapter 1
t acquired the political knowledge that time alone could gather for the use of later generations. Charles I., conspiring against the national constitu- 1629 to 1640. tion, which he, as the most favored among the natives of England, was the most solemnly bound to protect, had resolved to govern without the aid of a parliament. To convene a parliament was, therefore, in itself, an acknowledgment of defeat. The house of commons, 1640. April 6. April which assembled in April, 1640, was filled with men not less loyal to the monarch than faithful to the people; yet the king, who had neither the resignation of wise resolution, nor yet the daring of despairof popular liberty; the subversion of the royal authority made a way for the despotism of parliament. The Long Parliament was not originally homoge- Chap. XI.} 1640. Nov. 3. neous. The usurpations of the monarch threatened the privileges of the nobility not less than the liberties of the people. The movement in the public mi
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