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Burlingame (search for this): chapter 14
speech about twelve o'clock, at noon, and continued till about four. The galleries of the Senate were filled with gentlemen and ladies from the North and South; and the most ominous silence prevailed. Mr. Wilson, Mr. King, Mr. Bingham, and Mr. Burlingame sat near the speaker, and, had any attempt at personal violence been made by Messrs. Keitt, Hammond, Toombs, Wigfall, or others who were present, smarting under the scourge of slavery, would doubtless have been ready to repel it. In commenourse of the evening three men came to the door, desiring. to see Mr. Sumner alone; but, as he was in company, they left word at the door, that, if they could not have a private interview, they would cut his throat before another night. Messrs. Burlingame and Sherman remained as a guard until the next morning. The friends of Mr. Sumner were much alarmed; and among others G. B. Weston thus wrote to him from Duxbury, Mass., I am ready to shoulder my musket, and march to the Capitol, and the
Charles Sumner (search for this): chapter 14
ation of the Presidential Candidates, 1860. Mr. Sumner's speeches at Cooper Institute, Worcester, ampregnate with the central glow. Although Mr. Sumner attended to some minor senatorial duties, anespect to argument a death-blow. As soon as Mr. Sumner resumed his seat, Mr. Chestnut of South Carootice of the matter. Only one word, said Mr. Sumner, who with difficulty gained the floor: I exp the South cannot beat that demonstration of Mr. Sumner's case out of the heads of the public, in ansperate cases require effective remedies. Mr. Sumner received a large number of letters congratul. It was greatly feared by the friends of Mr. Sumner that personal violence would again be offereree friends from Virginia would call again. Mr. Sumner sent immediately for Mr. Wilson; and in the rd until the next morning. The friends of Mr. Sumner were much alarmed; and among others G. B. Wen of the institution of slavery, embraced in Mr. Sumner's recent speech; that the stern morality of [15 more...]
Henry Wilson (search for this): chapter 14
That is all. Mr. Sumner commenced his speech about twelve o'clock, at noon, and continued till about four. The galleries of the Senate were filled with gentlemen and ladies from the North and South; and the most ominous silence prevailed. Mr. Wilson, Mr. King, Mr. Bingham, and Mr. Burlingame sat near the speaker, and, had any attempt at personal violence been made by Messrs. Keitt, Hammond, Toombs, Wigfall, or others who were present, smarting under the scourge of slavery, would doubtless at he had come to hold him responsible for his speech, when Mr. Sumner directed him to leave the room. He departed after some delay, with the menace that he and his three friends from Virginia would call again. Mr. Sumner sent immediately for Mr. Wilson; and in the course of the evening three men came to the door, desiring. to see Mr. Sumner alone; but, as he was in company, they left word at the door, that, if they could not have a private interview, they would cut his throat before another
Salmon P. Chase (search for this): chapter 14
of speech. William Lloyd Garrison. by Nature every man is Free. property in man not recognized by the constitution. closing words. remarks of Mr. Chestnut. Mr. Sumner's reply. Reception of his speech by the public press. the opinion of S. P. Chase. of Carl Schurz. of N. Hall. personal violence attempted. a body-guard.- resolutions of the Massachusetts legislature. nomination of the Presidential Candidates, 1860. Mr. Sumner's speeches at Cooper Institute, Worcester, and other Placd the passage of the bill; but desperate cases require effective remedies. Mr. Sumner received a large number of letters congratulating him for this splendid effort on behalf of human rights. It will reach every corner of the land, wrote Salmon P. Chase: cogens omnes ante thronum. C est presqu'un discours antique, said a French gentleman to me last Saturday. I say, C est bien plus. It did me good, wrote Carl Schurz, to hear again the true ring of the moral anti-slavery sentiment. I
therein discussed. The Republican party in convention at Chicago in May, 1860, nominated Abraham Lincoln — who had manifested his ability and his devotion to the cause of freedom especially in his controversy with Stephen A. Douglas in Illinois, and who had said, He who would be no slave, must consent to have no slave --as its candidate for the Presidential chair. John C. Breckenridge (nominated at Charleston, S. C.) was the Southern, Stephen A. Douglas the Northern Democratic, and John Bell (of Kentucky) the Union candidate. The grand question before the country was: Shall free or servile labor have the ascendency? Shall the vast territories of the Union come under the baleful domination of slavery, or be irradiated by the genial beams of freedom? The aim of the progressive party was the dethronement of the slave-power in the national government, and the repression of that power to within the limits of the sovereignty of the States. Mr. Sumner clearly saw and felt the m
Wilson Lumpkin (search for this): chapter 14
am in earnest. I will not equivocate; I will not retreat a single inch: and I will be heard. In this sublime spirit he commenced his labors for the slave, proposing no intervention by Congress in the States, and on well-considered principle avoiding all appeals to the bondmen themselves. Such was his simple and thoroughly constitutional position, when, before the expiration of the first year, the legislature of Georgia, by solemn act, a copy of which I have now before me, approved by Wilson Lumpkin, Governor, appropriated five thousand dollars to be paid to any person who shall arrest, bring to trial, and prosecute to conviction under the laws of this State, the editor or publisher of a certain paper called The Liberator, published at the town of Boston and State of Massachusetts. This infamous legislative act, touching a person absolutely beyond the jurisdiction of Georgia, and in no way amenable to its laws, constituted a plain bribe to the gangs of kidnappers engendered by slav
Aaron A. Sargent (search for this): chapter 14
ow, wrote the Rev. Nathaniel Hall, in our day a nobler instance of moral bravery. It is the best arranged and by far the most complete exposure of the horrid rite of slavery, wrote John Bigelow from New York, to be found within the same compass in any language, so far as known. I take pleasure in saying, said Horace White, in a letter written from Chicago, that in my opinion your recent effort ranks with Demosthenes on the Crown, and with Burke on Warren Hastings. Your speech, wrote A. A. Sargent (now senator from California) to Mr. Sumner, stirred my heart with feelings of pride for the representative of my native State. It was greatly feared by the friends of Mr. Sumner that personal violence would again be offered him; and, indeed, the attempt was made. On the eighth day of June, a stranger called on him in the evening, stating that he had come to hold him responsible for his speech, when Mr. Sumner directed him to leave the room. He departed after some delay, with the
J. M. Mason (search for this): chapter 14
ook half his worth away, --words from the ancient harp of Homer, resounding through long generations. Nothing here is said of the human being at the other end of the chain. To aver that on this same day all his worth is taken away, might seem inconsistent with exceptions which we gladly recognize; but, alas! it is too clear, both from reason and from evidence, that, bad as slavery is for the slave, it is worse for the master. In confirmation of this point, he adds these words, which Col. Mason, a slave-master from Virginia, used in debate on the adoption of the national constitution: They produce the most pernicious effect on manners. Every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. They bring the judgment of Heaven on a country. In reference to suppression of freedom of speech, Mr. Sumner truly said,-- Looking now at the broad surface of society where slavery exists, we shall find its spirit actively manifest in the suppression of all freedom of speech or of the press, es
Benjamin Franklin (search for this): chapter 14
nd preach Christianity in this heathen metropolis: but no man can be heard against slavery in Charleston or Mobile. He noticed in this connection the ridiculous attempt of a Southern governor to secure the person of a distinguished advocate of freedom at the North. A citizen, said he, of purest life and perfect integrity, whose name is destined to fill a conspicuous place in the history of freedom,--William Lloyd Garrison. Born in Massachusetts, bred to the same profession with Benjamin Franklin, and like his great predecessor becoming an editor, he saw with instinctive clearness the wrong of slavery; and, at a period when the ardors of the Missouri Question had given way to indifference throughout the North, he stepped forward to denounce it. The jail at Baltimore, where he then resided, was his earliest reward. Afterwards, January 1, 1831, he published the first number of The Liberator, inscribing for his motto an utterance of Christian philanthropy, My country is the world
Stephen A. Douglas (search for this): chapter 14
Chicago in May, 1860, nominated Abraham Lincoln — who had manifested his ability and his devotion to the cause of freedom especially in his controversy with Stephen A. Douglas in Illinois, and who had said, He who would be no slave, must consent to have no slave --as its candidate for the Presidential chair. John C. Breckenridge (nominated at Charleston, S. C.) was the Southern, Stephen A. Douglas the Northern Democratic, and John Bell (of Kentucky) the Union candidate. The grand question before the country was: Shall free or servile labor have the ascendency? Shall the vast territories of the Union come under the baleful domination of slavery, or be at the State Convention of the Republican party at Worcester, Aug. 29, he laid open the fallacy of the double-headed doctrine of popular sovereignty proposed by Mr. Douglas, who was ready to vote slavery up, or vote it down. So in open-air meetings at Myrick's Station, Sept. 18, and at Framingham, Oct. 11, he made an admirable vin
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