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Lowell Courier was not far behind in this generous use of billingsgate. Altogether it was a disreputable period in Boston journalism, such as has never been known since. Seceders from a party must not expect soft words from former associates; but the Whig journals of Boston at that time exceeded the limits of decent criticism, and undertook to enforce a discipline inconsistent with individual liberty. In contrast with their vindictiveness was the course of the New York Tribune, the representative Whig journal of the United States, which treated the Free Soil leaders with uniform respect and charity. It was the fashion of the time to invoke the sentiment of national unity against a party organized on the basis of antislavery ideas. The Atlas denounced the new party as sectional, and promoting disunion, and said the South ought not to submit to its policy, August 26; November 13. though the editor became eight years later an earnest supporter of the Republican party, to which
John G. Whittier (search for this): chapter 5
that is wanted is that the truth should be declared. Put it before the people, and they will receive it. The coming Presidential contest promises to have a character which none other has ever had. High principles will be discussed in it. To Whittier, July 12:— Things tend to Van Buren as our candidate; I am willing to take him. With him we can break the slave-power; that is our first aim. We can have a direct issue on the subject of slavery. We hope that McLean will be Vice-Presidentused whose influence is not felt. To John Jay, December 5:— Surely our good cause of freedom is much advanced. I do hope that at last there will be a party that does believe in God, or at least in some better devil than Mammon. To Whittier, December 6:— Your poem The Wish of To-day. in the last Era has touched my heart. May God preserve you in strength and courage for all good works! . . . The literature of the world is turning against slavery. We shall have it soon in a st<
an, though the wiser heads among them shrank at the last from an extension which might after a struggle leave them relatively weaker. The purpose of Polk's Administration to acquire territory from Mexico was manifested early in the war, and even before. The President, in August, 1846, signified to Congress that a cession from Mexico was a probable mode of concluding peace, and with that purpose in view called for two millions of dollars. An appropriation bill being reported in the House, Wilmot of Pennsylvania moved, August 8, an amendment, known afterwards as the Wilmot Proviso, prohibiting slavery forever in the territory to be acquired. It passed the House with the general support of both Northern Whigs and Democrats, but a vote was prevented in the Senate by the unseasonable loquacity of John Davis of Massachusetts, who was still talking when the session expired. Von Holst, vol. III. pp. 287-289. Davis's long speech was certainly a ridiculous folly as well as a grave mista
Henry Wilson (search for this): chapter 5
egates from Massachusetts—Charles Allen and Henry Wilson—announced, amidst demonstrations of disfavok the favorable view of Webster at this time. Wilson and Allen voted for him in the convention at Pre were present Adams, S. C. Phillips, Sumner, Wilson, E. R. Hoar, E. L. Keyes, F. W. Bird, and Edwat them. Boston Whig, June 19 and 24. 1848. Wilson gave an account of this period, including 1845ion of Slavery. Works, vol. II. pp. 76-88. Wilson has described it as one of great thoroughness before or during the Civil War,—Sumner, Adams, Wilson, Burlingame, Dana, E. R. Hoar, and Andrew. Am the leading offenders, —Adams, Sumner, Allen, Wilson, Palfrey, Keyes, and Bird. The Webster Whig nominated by the Whigs, would be elected. Henry Wilson, in a letter to the New York Tribune, Apriltead of a majority rule had then prevailed. Wilson, in the Emancipator and Republican, Oct. 30, 1849. Among the representatives chosen were Wilson, Boutwell, Banks, and Claflin; and among the sena[5 more.
Robert C. Winthrop (search for this): chapter 5
way of avoiding a direct issue on the Wilmot Proviso; At Carthage, Ohio, September, 1847. Boston Whig, Oct. 7, 1847. Winthrop in the House supported it; Feb. 22, 1847. Addresses and Speeches, vol. i. p. 589. and the Northern Whig press very gy adopted it as a politic solution of a vexed question. The proposition, as it came from Berrien in the Senate and from Winthrop in the House, was lost by a vote which was rather party than sectional. The advantages of the acquisition were too apptreated in his campaign speech. It was a forlorn hope; and he received less than a third as many votes as were given to Winthrop, the Whig candidate. In the brief interval then existing between the national and State elections, Sumner, on behalf and held them up as deserving the penalties of treason. Adams, November 9, at Faneuil Hall, made a spirited retort to Winthrop's suggestion. Boston Republican, November 13. The passage of Sumner's speech at Worcester in June, in which he ment
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