Ireland.
The bold stand taken by the
Americans early in 1775 made the
British ministry afraid of like movements in
Ireland, where the Protestant minority had hitherto been employed to keep the majority, who were Roman Catholics, in subjection.
That majority, amounting to seven-eighths of the entire population, were not only deprived of all political privileges, but were subjected to a great many rigorous and cruel restraints, designed to keep them ignorant, poor, and helpless.
Even the Protestants in
Ireland were not allowed an equality with their fellow-subjects in
England.
Their Parliament did not possess the rights enjoyed by the
American colonial assemblies; and
Ireland, in matters of trade, was treated very much like a foreign country.
The idea of political liberty aroused in the colonies was already sowing the seeds of revolution in
Ireland, and it was judged expedient to conciliate the Irish by just legislation that should relax the harsh commercial restrictions.
This, however, was done so sparingly that it fell far short of accomplishing permanent good.
Indeed, it was regarded as a delusive, temporizing policy, and the attitude of the Irish people, encouraged by that of the
Americans, even became more threatening than ever.
The Catholic Relief Bill of 1778 had made the Irish, for the first time in their history, one people; “all sects, all ranks, all races—the nobleman and the merchant, the
Catholic and the Protestant, the Churchman and the Dissenter, he who boasted of his pure native lineage and he who was as proud of the
Saxon or
Norman blood that flowed in his veins—rushed together to the vindication of the liberties of their common country;” and, at the beginning of the year, beheld them embodied to the number of 80,000 volunteers.
The British government dared not refuse the arms which they demanded to repel a threatened invasion from
France.
The fiery
Grattan was then leader in the
Irish Parliament.
“I never will be satisfied,” he exclaimed in debate, “so long as the meanest cottager in
Ireland has a link of the
British chain clanking to his rags: he may be naked—he shall not be in irons.”
The Irish Parliament acted in accordance with this spirit, and adopted a resolution which made the country virtually free.
Ireland, which had been more oppressed by British rule than the
American colonies, had, at the beginning of the contest between the latter and
Great Britain, shown peculiar subserviency to its political master.
When news of the affairs at
Lexington and
Bunker Hill reached that country, the
Irish Parliament voted that they “heard of the rebellion with abhorrence, and were ready to show to the world their attachment to the sacred person of the
King.”
Taking advantage of this expressed loyalty, Lord North obtained leave to send 4,000 able-bodied men to
America as a part of the
British army.
The strongest and best of the Irish army were selected, and eight regiments were shipped for
America.
This left
Ireland almost defenceless.
Its Parliament offered to organize a national militia, which Lord North refused to accept, and, instead of a militia, organized and controlled by the
British government, selfformed bands of volunteers sprang up all over
Ireland.
North saw his blunder, and had a militia bill enacted.
But it was too late; the
Irish Parliament preferred the volunteers, supported by the Irish themselves.
Meanwhile the eloquent, patriotic, and incorruptible
Henry Grattan had become a member of the
Irish Parliament, and he was principally the agent that kindled the fire of patriotic zeal in
Ireland that was burning so brightly in
America.
In 1779, though only thirty-three years of age, he led the
Irish Parliament in demanding reforms.
He moved an amendment to the address to the
King that the nation could be saved only by free-trade, and it was adopted by unanimous vote.
New taxes were refused.
The ordinary supplies usually granted for two years were granted for six months. Throughout the little kingdom an inextinguishable sentiment of nationality was aroused.
Alarmed by the threatening attitude, the British Parliament, in 1781, conceded to the dependent kingdom its claims to commercial equality.
The volunteer army of
Ireland, commanded by officers of their own choice, amounted to about 50,000 at the close of the war with
America (1782). They were united under one
general-in-chief.
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65]
Feeling strong in the right and in its material and moral vitality at the moment, and encouraged by the success of the
Americans,
Ireland demanded reforms for herself.
The viceroy reported that unless it was determined that the knot which bound the two countries should be severed forever, the points required by the
Irish Parliament must be conceded.
It was a critical moment.
Eden, who was secretary for
Ireland, proposed the repeal of the act of George I. which asserted the right of the Parliament of Great Britain to make laws to bind the people and the kingdom of
Ireland—the right claimed for Parliament which drove the
Americans to war—and the
Rockingham ministry adopted and carried the important measure.
Appeals from the courts of
Ireland to the
British House of Peers were abolished; the restraints on independent legislation were done away with, and
Ireland, still owing allegiance to
Great Britain, obtained the independence of its Parliament.
This was the fruit of the war for independence in
America.
The people of
Ireland owed the vindication of their rights to the patriots of the
United States; but their gratitude took the direction of their complained — of oppressor, and their legislature voted $500,000 for the levy of 20,000 seamen to strengthen the royal navy, whose ships had not yet been withdrawn from American waters, and which, with an army, were still menacing the liberties of the
Americans.
