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begin the world again,--how much could she do in sixty years? And Europe, too, would lend you money, but she will not lend Hayti a dollar.
Hayti, from the ruins of her colonial dependence, is become a civilized state, the seventh nation in the catalogue of commerce with this country, inferior in morals and education to none of the West Indian isles.
Foreign merchants trust her courts as willingly as they do our own. Thus far, she has foiled the ambition of Spain, the greed of England, and the malicious statesmanship of Calhoun.
Toussaint made her what she is. In this work there was grouped around him a score of men, mostly of pure negro blood, who ably seconded his efforts.
They were able in war and skilful in civil affairs, but not, like him, remarkable for that rare mingling of high qualities which alone makes true greatness, and insures a man leadership among those otherwise almost his equals.
Toussaint was indisputably their chief.
Courage, purpose, endurance,--these are the tests.
He did plant a state so deep that all the world has not been able to root it up.
I would call him Napoleon, but Napoleon made his way to empire over broken oaths and through a sea of blood.
This man never broke his word.
“No retaliation” was his great motto and the rule of his life; and the last words uttered to his son in France were these: “My boy, you will one day go back to St. Domingo; forget that France murdered your father.”
I would call him Cromwell, but Cromwell was only a soldier, and the state he founded went down with him into his grave.
I would call him Washington, but the great Virginian held slaves.
This man risked his empire rather than permit the slave-trade in the humblest village of his dominions.
You think me a fanatic to-night, for you read history, not with your eyes, but with your prejudices.
But fifty years hence, when Truth gets a hearing, the Muse of His
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