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Commonwealth.
So long as such a character is maintained, no danger perhaps need be apprehended from the arbitrary course of proceeding, under the provision of the Constitution, to which I have alluded.
But, Sir, we have never for a moment imagined that the proceedings on this impeachment could be influenced or affected by that provision.
The two modes of proceeding are altogether distinct, and, in my humble apprehension, were designed to effect totally distinct objects.
No, Sir; had the House of Representatives expected to attain their object by any means short of the allegation, proof, and conviction of criminal misconduct, an address, and not an impeachment, would have been the course of proceeding adopted by them.β
These well-considered and weighty sentences of Chief Justice Shaw show his idea of the extent of your power, and will relieve your minds of any undue apprehension as to the danger of its exercise.
The people of Massachusetts have always chosen to keep their judges, in some measure, dependent on the popular will.
It is a Colonial trait, and the sovereign State has preserved it. Under the King, though he appointed the judges, the people jealously preserved their hold on the bench, by keeping the salaries year by year dependent on the vote of the popular branch of the Legislature.
This control was often exercised.
When Judge Oliver took pay of the King, they impeached him. (See Washburn's Judicial History of Massachusetts, 139, 160.) When the Constitution was framed, the people chose to keep the same sovereignty in their own hands.
Independence of judges, therefore, in Massachusetts, Gentlemen, means, in the words of Mr. Childs, βthe fullest independence consistent with their responsibility.β
The opinions I have read you derive additional weight from the fact, that all the speakers were aware of the grave nature of this power, and some painted in glowing
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