Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10. You can also browse the collection for William Franklin or search for William Franklin in all documents.

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e: the witness was at the door. The conduct of Shelburne in making peace between the two countries is made clear from his own words and acts. The part taken by Franklin in initiating and forwarding the negotiation for peace is illustrated, not from his own letters alone, but from those of Oswald and others. In England it was neer that, late as was the participation of John Adams in the negotiation, he came in time to secure to New England its true boundary on the north-east. Adams and Franklin had always asked for the continuance of the accustomed share in the coast fisheries; and they were heartily supported by Jay, who had in congress steadily voted due exclusively to Jay. It is good to look away from the strifes of the present hour, to the great days when our country had for its statesmen Washington and John Adams, Jefferson and Hamilton, Franklin and Jay, and their compeers. The study of those times will always teach lessons of moderation, and of unselfish patriotism.
p. II.} the kindred epoch in the history of the Netherlands. But the interest of the circle in which he moved became far more lively when, in a remote part of the world, Goethe, XXII. 321. a whole people showed signs that it would make itself free. He classed the Boston tea-party of 1773 among the prodigious events which stamp themselves most deeply on the mind of childhood. Goethe's Briefe, III. 1420, 1421. Like everybody around him he wished the Americans success, and the names of Franklin and Washington shone and sparkled in his heaven of politics and war. Goethe's Werke, XXII. 321. When to all this was added reform in France, he and the youth of Germany promised themselves and all their fellow-men a beautiful and even a glorious future. Ibid. The thought of emigrating to America passed placidly over his imagination, leaving no more mark than the shadow of a flying cloud as it sweeps over a flower-garden. The sale of Hessian soldiers for foreign money called from hi
his most Christian majesty, was the answer of Maurepas. Goltz to Frederic, 30 Jan., 1777. On the fourteenth of February, 1777, the American commissioners at Paris transmitted to Frederic a copy of the declaration of independence, and of the articles of American confederation, with the formal expression of the earnest desire of the United States to obtain his friendship, and to establish a mutually beneficial free commerce between their distant countries. The great king received from Franklin with unmingled satisfaction the manifesto of the republic and its first essay at a constitution. The victories of Washington at Trenton and Princeton had already proved to him that the colonies were become a nation. He supported the rights of neutrals in their fullest extent; and, when England began to issue letters of marque, he stigmatized privateers as pirates of the sea. Frederic to Goltz, 24 Feb., 1777. But, as to a direct commerce, he could only answer as before: I am without a n
of Europe with declarations that Spain would never precede England in recognising the separate existence of her colonies. During this confused state of the relations between the three great powers, the United States fell upon a wise measure. Franklin, from the first, had advised his country against wooing Spain: but the confidence reposed in him by the French cabinet was not impaired by his caution; and they transacted all American business with him alone. Tired of the dissensions of rival ointed him their minister plenipotentiary at the court of France. It illustrates the patriotism of John Adams, that, though he was one of those to be removed from office, he approved alike the terminating of the commission and the selection of Franklin as sole envoy. In him Chap. VI.} 1778. the interests of the United States obtained a serene and wakeful guardian, who penetrated the wiles of the Spanish government, and knew how to unite fidelity to the French alliance with timely vindication
drafts on their commissioners in Paris for thirty-one and a half millions of livres, at five livres to the dollar, in payment of loanoffice certificates, leaving Franklin and his colleagues to meet the bills of exchange as they could. Of continental bills, five millions of dollars were issued in May, as many more in June, and asaw no resource but in such very considerable loans or subsidies in Europe as could be expected only from an ally; and, before the end of October, they instructed Franklin to assure his most Christian majesty, they hoped protection from his power and magnanimity. There Chap. VII.} 1778. were those in congress who would not placeouble set of counsellors. Clinton repressed the confidence of the secretary of state by faithful reports of the inadequacy of his forces: on the other hand, William Franklin, late governor of New Jersey, aiming at the power and emoluments to be derived Chap. VII.} 1778. from an appointment as the head of a separate organization
Chapter 10: The war in the northern department. 1779. while congress employed the summer in debates Chap. X.} 1779. on the conditions of peace, the compulsory inactivity of the British army at the north encouraged discontent and intrigues. There rose up in rivalry with Clinton a body styling themselves the loyal associated refugees, who were impatient to obtain an independent organization under Tryon and William Franklin. Clinton wrote that his resources were insufficient for active operations: the refugees insisted that more alertness would crush the rebellion; they loved to recommend the employment of hordes of savages, and to prepare for confiscating the property of wealthy rebels by their execution or exile. The Virginians, since the expulsion of Lord Dunmore, free from war within their own borders, were enriching themselves by the unmolested culture of tobacco, which was exported through the Chesapeake; or, when that highway was unsafe, by a short land carriage
ismissed him from its service. Amsterdam disclaimed the absurd design of concluding a convention independent of their High Mightinesses. The burgomasters only promised their influence in favor of a treaty of amity between the two powers, when the independence of the United States of America should be recognised by the English. Declaration of van Berckel, 23 Sept., 1778, in Dip. Cor., i. 457. To get rid of everything of which England could Sept. complain, the offer made in April by Franklin, Arthur Lee, and John Adams, to negotiate a treaty of commerce between America and the Netherlands, together with a copy of the commercial treaty between the United States and France, was, near the end of October, communicated to the states-general. They Oct. promptly consigned the whole matter to rest in the manner which the stadholder had concerted, and which met exactly the hope of the British secretary of state. Private letter of the Prince of Orange to Yorke, 27 Oct., 1778; Secret
uccor in money, such were his words, we may make a feeble and expiring effort in our next campaign, in all probability the period of our opposition. Next to a loan of money, a constant naval superiority on these coasts is the object most interesting; and without exaggeration he explained the rapid advancement of his country in population and prosperity, and the certainty of its redeeming in a short term of years the comparatively inconsiderable debts it might have occasion to contract. To Franklin he wrote in the same strain; and Lafayette addressed a like memorial of ripe wisdom to Vergennes. While the United States thus importuned a foreign prince for help, their people, in proportion to numbers, was richer than the people to whose king from their own want of government they were obliged to appeal. Can France organize its resources, and are the people of the republican America incapable of doing so? Can monarchy alone give to a nation unity? Is freedom necessarily anarchical?
ch minister at Philadelphia of his want of a conciliatory temper. Franklin, too, though with reluctance, suffered himself to be made the chan censures which Vergennes did not spare. In the favor of congress Franklin lost ground by his compliance, while Adams was supported more hearated to the French ministry his letter of advice from Washington. Franklin had lately written: If it is found unable to procure the aids thated to go far in complying with the request of the United States. Franklin had Chap. XXI.} 1781. already obtained the promise of a gift of swithout superintending it, paid all arrears out of the fund which Franklin had obtained from France. Chap. XXI.} 1781. South Carolina was rere first agreed upon; then on the ballot the choice fell upon Jay, Franklin, Henry Laurens, and Thomas Jefferson. Of these, the last was detas of his wife. Congress have done very well, wrote John Adams to Franklin, to join Chap. XXI.} 1781. others in the commission for peace, wh
just been made Chap. XXV.} 1781. Nov. 19. happy by the birth of a dauphin, received the glad news in the queen's apartment. The very last sands of the life of the Count de Maurepas were running out; but he could still recognise de Lauzun, and the tidings threw a halo round his death-bed. The joy at court penetrated the whole people, and the name of Lafayette was pronounced with veneration. History, said Vergennes, offers few examples of a success so complete. All the wild agree, wrote Franklin to Washington, that no expedition was ever better planned or better executed. It brightens the glory that must accompany your name to the latest posterity. The first tidings of the surrender of Cornwallis reached England from France, about noon on the twenty-fifth of November. It is all over, said 25. Lord North many times, under the deepest agitation and distress. Fox—to whom, in reading history, the defeats of armies of invaders, from Xerxes' time downwards, gave the greatest satisf
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