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Woodbury (search for this): chapter 6
e Fugitive Slave Act and its instruments,—in which, as before, only Free Soilers and Abolitionists took part. Sumner was also counsel in the defence of Sims. He did not enter the case at the beginning on account of the pending election for senator, in which he was the candidate. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. pp 183, 188, 189, 190. In association with Mr. Sewall he applied, without success, to Judge Sprague, of the United States District Court, for the writ of habeas corpus. Judge Woodbury, however, granted it, and sat for the hearing in the Circuit Court room, afterwards occupied for many years by the Municipal Court. In March, R. H. Dana, Jr., and Sumner drew a bill to secure the rights of persons claimed as fugitive slaves, particularly with the view of applying the statute of 1843 to proceedings under the new Fugitive Slave Act; and it was presented to a committee of the Legislature. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. p. 184. The judge was unfriendly and brusque,—
Robert C. Winthrop (search for this): chapter 6
t Fillmore in July, and continued till his death, in 1852, to use his personal influence and official power in the direction of his Seventh of March speech. That speech carried the Compromise measures, but it made also a political revolution in Massachusetts. If Webster had spoken as he had hitherto always spoken, if he had spoken as Seward and Chase spoke later in the same month, he would have remained in the Senate; or if he had by choice passed from it, he would have been succeeded by Winthrop. That speech, and what he said and did afterwards in the same line, called Sumner, a few months later, into public life, which otherwise he might never have entered. Webster, and the other Northern supporters of the Compromise in Congress or among the people, put in the foreground its necessity as the only means of saving the Union and avoiding civil war. The Union and the Constitution became their watchword. Von Hoist, vol. v. p. 119, calls the stereotyped formula of fidelity to th
Henry Wilson (search for this): chapter 6
mmon epithet of Abolitionists, two separate classes,—the small number of sectaries, largely non-voters, who disowned the limitations of the Constitution, and the considerable political party which accepted its obligations; and this while speaking in presence of two senators then representing that party, Hale and Chase,—the latter second only to himself as a lawyer and statesman, and destined to the highest judicial office in the nation. In the Emancipator and Republican, June 27, 1850, Henry Wilson gave a full account of interviews with Webster from 1845 to 1848, in which he showed a favorable disposition towards the antislavery or Free Soil movement. The love of liberty traditional with the people of the State, and often lauded by himself, he now derided as fanaticism,— a local prejudice which it was the duty of good citizens to conquer. Webster's Works, vol. v. p. 432; Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 438. The writer was present when Webster spoke from a carriage in <
Fletcher Webster (search for this): chapter 6
a. The Administration at Washington, under Mr. Webster's lead, determined that this proceeding shoate was again in question. Lodge's Life of Webster, pp. 292, 321; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the wer, vol. II. p. 241; G. T. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 307, note. He now announced thaiple, and of no real practical importance. Webster's Works, vol. v. pp. 421, 422, 423, 436; volTexas by sending our troops to New Mexico. Webster's Works, vol. II. pp. 557, 562, 571, 572; Prtive Slave law in Boston, Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 490. and with his passionate cher's Works, vol. v. p. 432; Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 438. The writer was present wheorators of 1860 and 1861. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. pp. 517-520. Everett omitted this speech from his edition of Webster's Works. On the death of President Taylor, he did not conceal fr judgment of history is not likely to relieve Webster of the imputation that a desire to become Pre[39 more...]
R. Toombs (search for this): chapter 6
sion which ended September 30, 1850. It passed beyond the question of the territories, and comprehended all the relations of slavery to the nation. It was marked by profound interest on both sides, and watched with deep anxiety by the country. Toombs, Stephens, Clingman, Jefferson Davis, and Foote read elaborate speeches at the beginning of the session, and, supported by the bolder spirits of the South, declared themselves ready for disunion in the event of legislation by Congress prohibitingosed to the disturbance of the settlement aforesaid, and to the renewal in any form of agitation upon the subject of slavery. Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp 348, 349. Among the signers were Howell Cobb, H. S. Foote, A. H. Stephens, R. Toombs, and J. B. Thompson. The only Whig member from New England who signed this paper was Samuel A. Eliot, of Boston. Mr. Appleton, his successor, alone of the Massachusetts delegation, voted that the Compromise, including the Fugitive Slave law,
J. B. Thompson (search for this): chapter 6
es to maintain the settlement effected by these measures, and not to support as candidates for President and Vice-President, or for members of Congress or of any State legislature, any man of whatever party who is not known to be opposed to the disturbance of the settlement aforesaid, and to the renewal in any form of agitation upon the subject of slavery. Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp 348, 349. Among the signers were Howell Cobb, H. S. Foote, A. H. Stephens, R. Toombs, and J. B. Thompson. The only Whig member from New England who signed this paper was Samuel A. Eliot, of Boston. Mr. Appleton, his successor, alone of the Massachusetts delegation, voted that the Compromise, including the Fugitive Slave law, was a final and permanent settlement. April 5, 1852. The speech of Daniel Webster in the Senate, March 7, 1850, in favor of the Compromise measures, was a surprise to the people of Massachusetts. It was in conflict with the principles they had uniformly mainta
Syracuse (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
ree States and had intermarried with free persons; and the hardship, cruelty, and violence which attended the reclamations aroused deep indignation in the North. Southern masters at once put the law into execution in the cities of New York and Philadelphia and other places,—in some cases succeeding in recovering their negroes with little opposition or excitement, but in others encountering a resolute contest in the courts, or forcible resistance carried sometimes to a fatal result. In Syracuse, N. Y., where the population was altogether in sympathy with the negroes, a rescue planned by prominent citizens was effected. The partisans of compromise set their hearts on a triumph in Boston, the seat of antislavery agitation. A month after Congress had adjourned, a meeting was held in Faneuil Hall, with C. F. Adams as chairman, and R. H. Dana, Jr., as mover of resolutions, to denounce the obnoxious law and express sympathy with the negroes against whose liberty it was aimed; but only
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 6
the renewal in any form of agitation upon the subject of slavery. Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp 348, 349. Among the signers were Howell Cobb, H. S. Foote, A. H. Stephens, R. Toombs, and J. B. Thompson. The only Whig member from New England who signed this paper was Samuel A. Eliot, of Boston. Mr. Appleton, his successor, alone of the Massachusetts delegation, voted that the Compromise, including the Fugitive Slave law, was a final and permanent settlement. April 5, 1852. vol. II. pp. 473, 474. He voted April 11 against excluding the admission of California from the Compromise, a week after he had expressed himself in debate as in favor of her admission independently. This vote, in which he stood alone among New England senators, prevented the exclusion of California from the Compromise, and delayed by some months her admission. Boston Atlas, April 16, 1850. He supported the Texas boundary bill, putting forth as his chief ground for yielding to the pretensio
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 6
er from Georgia. The Administration at Washington, under Mr. Webster's lead, determined that this proceeding should not fail. The city marshal, acting under a formal order of Mayor Bigelow and the Board of Aldermen, in co-operation with the United States officers, surrounded the court house with chains. Sims's counsel, S. E. Sewall, R. Rantoul, Jr., C. G. Loring, and R. H. Dana, Jr., sought to secure the negro's liberty by writs of habeas corpus, bringing him before the Supreme Court of the State and the District and Circuit Courts of the United States, but without avail. The commissioner gave a certificate of rendition, and the negro was taken by three hundred armed policemen to Long Wharf, and put on board the brig Acorn, owned by John H. Pearson, a name already associated with a kidnapping case. Ante, p. 130. The agent of the owner on his return to Georgia published a card acknowledging gratefully the assistance he had received in Boston, particularly in the co-operation and
Utah (Utah, United States) (search for this): chapter 6
r title had been good; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. II. pp. 279-282. Giddings's speech, Aug. 12, 1850, Speeches in Congress, p. 403 and note. Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp. 314, 315. (2) territorial governments for Utah and New Mexico without the Wilmot Proviso; (3) a new fugitive-slave law, with novel and extraordinary provisions, which disregarded humane and Christian sentiments and set aside immemorial presumptions and safeguards of personal liberty; and (4) ttes. The territorial legislature of New Mexico in 1859 established slavery. Von Holst, vol. III. p. 500, note. Not content with assumptions and with votes against the prohibition, He voted, June 5, 1850, against applying the prohibition to Utah and New Mexico, when moved by Seward. Webster's Works, vol. v. pp. 382, 383. he undertook to belittle it by arts of speech, by offensive and disparaging epithets. In his first public statement of his new position, and in later speeches and appe
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