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March 27th (search for this): chapter 12
protests came against any such movement. John A. Andrew wrote, December 18: I hope that nothing will induce you to resign the senatorship, even for a week. Sit in your seat if you can. If you can't, let it be vacant; that is my idea about the case. Sumner went to Washington very late in the session, which was to end March 4, 1857. He passed the night in Philadelphia with the family of Mr. Furness, and arrived in Washington Wednesday evening, February 25. New York Tribune, February 27, March 5. He was the next day at two o'clock in the afternoon in his seat, which had been vacant since May 22. He was greeted warmly by the Republican senators; but the Democratic senators were observed to pass him without recognition. Finding himself too weak to remain in his scat, he returned shortly to his lodgings, leaving directions to be called for any vote on the tariff bill. He came again at nine in the evening, and remained at the Capitol till two in the morning, voting several times
March 29th (search for this): chapter 12
rother George has come, and pleased me much by telling me good news of you. I am glad you are at Chicago, if you must be away from Massachusetts. Trumbull is a hero, and more than a match for Douglas. Illinois in sending him does much to make me forget that she sent Douglas. You will read his main speech, which is able; but you can hardly appreciate the ready courage and power with which he grappled with his colleague and throttled him. We are all proud of his work. To C. F. Adams, March 29:— Things look well,—never so well. I am sure that Kansas will be a free State. I am sure that we are going to beat them in the discussion, and I feel sanguine that under the welding heat of the Kansas question we are to have a true fusion with a real chance of success. This is my conviction now. Seward will make the greatest speech of his life; he is showing new power daily. I heard one of his speeches in caucus, and was quite electrified by it; it was powerful in its eloquence.
April (search for this): chapter 12
which they had appealed,— notably by those from South Carolina and Alabama, led by Buford. the judiciary of the Territory, at the head of which was Lecompte, began its sessions. Early in May the grand jury, following its instructions, found indictments for treason against the Free State leaders,—Reeder, Robinson, and Lane,— who were obliged to seek safety in flight. An attempt was made to arrest Reeder, even in the presence of the investigating committee of Congress, which had arrived in April. The grand jury, in its fanaticism, was not content with processes against persons, but found bills against Free State newspapers and a Free State hotel. Ruffianism, breaking out in assaults and murders, was rampant throughout the Territory, and everywhere Free State men were in constant peril of life. The Administration, still inspired by Jefferson Davis, proceeded with its scheme for subjugating the Free State men of Kansas; and the federal officers in the Territory were its ready instr<
April 3rd (search for this): chapter 12
ission of Kansas, April 10, he was offensive in his references to Seward, and the latter declined for that reason to recognize him by a reply. As well in the House as in the Senate the partisans of slavery often assailed Massachusetts and her people, particularly the Emigrant Aid Company, as responsible for all the disorders in Kansas, as disturbers of the national peace, and instigators of rebellion. Bayard, April 10, and Clay, April 21, in the Senate. In the Senate Collamer spoke (April 3 and 4) on affairs in Kansas and the constitutional question of the power of Congress over the Territories. Seward spoke on the 9th, when he delivered an elaborate speech already in manuscript. He avoided, as was his habit, all antagonism with senators, or a direct reply to their positions,—not so much as once referring to what any senator had said. A formal arraignment of the President as the chief promoter of the disturbances gave to the speech its chief interest. Seward's habit of d
April 4th (search for this): chapter 12
charged his venom on Trumbull, describing him as a traitor, and invoking on him the penalties of treason, even that of death. The next month he again took part in the debate, speaking twice, with an interval of ten days between his speeches. April 4 and 14. Sumner. at Douglas's call upon him for an answer, condemned the clause of the Topeka Constitution which excluded free negroes from voting. The main point of his argument was that the Free State party in Kansas was a treasonable body. Tlarly the Emigrant Aid Company, as responsible for all the disorders in Kansas, as disturbers of the national peace, and instigators of rebellion. Bayard, April 10, and Clay, April 21, in the Senate. In the Senate Collamer spoke (April 3 and 4) on affairs in Kansas and the constitutional question of the power of Congress over the Territories. Seward spoke on the 9th, when he delivered an elaborate speech already in manuscript. He avoided, as was his habit, all antagonism with senators,
April 10th (search for this): chapter 12
essor and instigator of the troubles in Kansas, and denounced the Free State settlers as daring and defiant revolutionists. Also as rebels and revolutionists, April 10. Benjamin, May 2, called them conspirators. In his references to Republican senators, he continued to speak of them as black Republicans. He expressed the wishnsas question came up in any shape, and as usually with him talked loosely and without premeditation. In the debate on the memorial for the admission of Kansas, April 10, he was offensive in his references to Seward, and the latter declined for that reason to recognize him by a reply. As well in the House as in the Senate the paticularly the Emigrant Aid Company, as responsible for all the disorders in Kansas, as disturbers of the national peace, and instigators of rebellion. Bayard, April 10, and Clay, April 21, in the Senate. In the Senate Collamer spoke (April 3 and 4) on affairs in Kansas and the constitutional question of the power of Congres
April 14th (search for this): chapter 12
d them conspirators. In his references to Republican senators, he continued to speak of them as black Republicans. He expressed the wish that the Government would put its power to a hitherto untried test,—that of hanging a traitor. He discharged his venom on Trumbull, describing him as a traitor, and invoking on him the penalties of treason, even that of death. The next month he again took part in the debate, speaking twice, with an interval of ten days between his speeches. April 4 and 14. Sumner. at Douglas's call upon him for an answer, condemned the clause of the Topeka Constitution which excluded free negroes from voting. The main point of his argument was that the Free State party in Kansas was a treasonable body. To the epithet of black Republicans, he now added the vulgar insinuation that they were for the amalgamation of the black and white races. This drew from Wilson the retort that such taunts were the emanations of low and vulgar minds, . . . usually coming from
April 18th (search for this): chapter 12
to the front. It was discussed on the question between Whitfield and Reeder, claimants for the seat of territorial delegate; and at length, March 19, a resolution was carried for sending an investigating committee to the Territory. This, following the election of a Republican speaker, was the second victory of the opponents of slavery. One member of the committee, John Sherman of Ohio, was destined to occupy a large place in the history of his country. The committee arrived at Lawrence, April 18, and after a prolonged investigation made a full report, in which Howard and Sherman joined (Oliver of Missouri dissenting). the committee found as a conclusion that the territorial legislature was by reason of fraud and violence an illegal body, and all its acts void. The general debate on Kansas in the Senate was reserved until the committee on territories made its report, March 12, when, contrary to the custom, Douglas himself read the majority report, occupying two hours, and Collam
April 21st (search for this): chapter 12
t premeditation. In the debate on the memorial for the admission of Kansas, April 10, he was offensive in his references to Seward, and the latter declined for that reason to recognize him by a reply. As well in the House as in the Senate the partisans of slavery often assailed Massachusetts and her people, particularly the Emigrant Aid Company, as responsible for all the disorders in Kansas, as disturbers of the national peace, and instigators of rebellion. Bayard, April 10, and Clay, April 21, in the Senate. In the Senate Collamer spoke (April 3 and 4) on affairs in Kansas and the constitutional question of the power of Congress over the Territories. Seward spoke on the 9th, when he delivered an elaborate speech already in manuscript. He avoided, as was his habit, all antagonism with senators, or a direct reply to their positions,—not so much as once referring to what any senator had said. A formal arraignment of the President as the chief promoter of the disturbances gav
May (search for this): chapter 12
— notably by those from South Carolina and Alabama, led by Buford. the judiciary of the Territory, at the head of which was Lecompte, began its sessions. Early in May the grand jury, following its instructions, found indictments for treason against the Free State leaders,—Reeder, Robinson, and Lane,— who were obliged to seek safery 29:— My thoughts amid all the scenes of to-day (the day of Brooks's funeral) were of you and your condition, your long suffering, and of the scenes of last May. I could not but feel to-day that God had avenged the blows of May last; and I could not but feel that he will yet avenge the wrongs of the bondman and the insultsMay last; and I could not but feel that he will yet avenge the wrongs of the bondman and the insults we endure. Butler did not long survive Brooks. At the close of the session, in March, 1857, he went home, but not to return. He died May 25. Keitt lived to die in battle in Virginia in June, 1864. The pain and suffering which Sumner was called to endure did not, either at the time of the injury or during the whole perio
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