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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1. Search the whole document.

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Gibralter (Michigan, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
s before Free People of Color, June, 1831, p. 15. injustice. The Constitution of the United States knows nothing of white or black men; it makes no invidious distinction with regard to the color or condition of free inhabitants; it is broad enough to cover your persons; it has power enough to vindicate your rights. Thanks be to God that we have such a Constitution! Without it, the liberty of every man,—white as well as colored,—would be in jeopardy. There it stands, firm as the rock of Gibraltar, a high refuge from oppression. The State Laws which disfranchise are unconstitutional: I say that if they fall upon the Constitution they will be Ibid. p. 16. dashed in pieces. I say that it is your duty to carry this question up to the Supreme Court of the United States and have it settled forever. You have everything to gain, and nothing to lose, by the trial. . . . Once get yourselves acknowledged by that august tribunal as citizens of the United States, and you may walk a
Lowell (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
rward, it was reported to me by the city officers that they had ferreted out the paper and its editor; Mayor Otis might have saved the ferreting by handing the city officers his copy of the Liberator, with the publication office declared upon the first page. He had had practice in this sort of inquisition (Ante, p. 160). That his office was an obscure hole, his only visible auxiliary a negro boy, and his supporters a very few insignificant persons of all colors. This passage inspired Lowell's elevated poem to W. L. Garrison: In a small chamber, friendless and unseen, Toiled o'er his types one poor, unlearned young man; The place was dark, unfurnitured, and mean:— Yet there the freedom of a race began. Help came but slowly; surely no man yet Put lever to the heavy world with less: What need of help? He knew how types were set, He had a dauntless spirit, and a press. Such earnest natures are the fiery pith, The compact nucleus, round which systems grow! Mass after mass become
Vermont (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
hes upon the South, and asserting that the crime of oppression is not national, whereas the power of Congress over the District is indisputable, —this petition prays that Congress will, without delay, take such measures for the immediate or gradual abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and for preventing the bringing of slaves into that District for purposes of traffic, in such mode as may be advisable, etc. This is an advance on the petition which Mr. Garrison had circulated in Vermont, in so far as it assumes Ante, p. 108. the practicability of immediate emancipation; and it may be said for the author of it (not the editor himself) that the appeal is not here to individuals guilty of the sin of slaveholding, but to a legislature which must consider ways and means, and which is accordingly also asked to make suitable provision . . . for the education of all free blacks and colored children in the District, thus to preserve them from continuing, even as free men, an une
Niles (Michigan, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
ime, editors of respectable papers began to Niles' Register, 41.66. invoke mob violence, euphemic disavowal of the Liberator, was the first Niles' Register, 45.42. intimation he had had of tha33, through the Boston Advertiser. See, also, Niles' Register, 45.42, Sept. 14. He had by that timy on which Nat Turner and his fellow-slaves Niles' Register, Aug. 27, 1831, p. 455. attacked somden utterance by a dumb man—who never lisps Niles' Register, Jan. 21, 1832, p. 378. again! Copiadual emancipation of the slaves, and in a Niles' Register, Jan. 14, 1832, pp. 368-9. recommendappropriations. This bill passed the House (Niles' Register, 41.472), but failed to pass in the 1.167, 197, 199; 2.19, 26, 34, 35, 59, 60, 62; Niles' Register, 42.93. could have been more gratifyat he was seeking the repeal for Lib. 1.35; Niles' Register, 41.448. his own benefit, he persist It was accordingly resolved, with only the Niles' Register, 41.88; Life of Arthur Tappan, pp. 1[2 more...]
John Quincy Adams (search for this): chapter 8
to seem to him one of the least effective. A dim prefiguring of the axe whose strokes were to make the tree tremble to its crown, is to be found in the first volume of the Liberator. Mr. Garrison had a perfectly just understanding of the pro-slavery guarantees of the United States Constitution, and of the powers of the Federal Government over the institution of slavery. His incessant demand for emancipation in the District of Columbia, which he was amazed that John Quincy Lib. 1.207. Adams, then a member of the House of Representatives, should refuse to countenance; his proposal to agitate Lib. 1.121. for the abrogation of the slave-representation clause of the Constitution; his conviction that the Constitution Lib. 1.66, and passim. had only to be invoked through the Supreme Court to secure the free people of color against the oppressive enactments of the Southern States; his mention, with Lib. 1.34. only moral censure, of the employment of Federal troops to suppress
Josiah Quincy (search for this): chapter 8
ing an incendiary paper, with the avowed purpose of inciting rebellion in the South, and circulating it through secret agents disguised as peddlers, for whom barbecuing —that is, roasting alive—was recommended if caught. The Intelligencer, with no word of disapproval, repeated the allegation that the Liberator was designed to lead to precisely such results as the Southampton Tragedy, and called upon the Mayor of Boston Harrison Gray Otis, the third incumbent of the office (succeeding Josiah Quincy), 1829-31. to find some law to stop the publication of such diabolical papers. The crime is as great as that of poisoning the waters of life to a whole community. We know nothing of the man: we desire not to have him unlawfully dealt with: we can even conceive of his motive being good in his own opinion,—but the citizens of Boston are urged to step forward and vindicate the cause of humanity, as it is outraged by the publication to which we refer. Mr. Garrison in vain sought a hearing<
s steadfast as the pillars of truth. There are some stanch abolitionists here who are ready for action, and whom no dangers or scoffs can frighten. We can do comparatively little without a concentration of moral strength. With physical force we have, you know, nothing to do. We close this chapter, whose expansion will not appear excessive to those who pursue this narrative to the end, with an episode which belongs here, so far as its date can now be defined. In an editorial notice of Parton's Life of Aaron Burr, in the Liberator of January 8, 1858, occurs the following passage: It is certainly to his [Burr's] credit that, while he was a Lib. 28.6. member of the New York Legislature in 1784, a bill having been introduced for the gradual abolition of slavery in that State, he was in favor of a speedier extinction of the anomaly, and moved to amend the bill so as to totally abolish slavery after a certain day. His amendment having been rejected, he voted for the origina
Hosea Biglow (search for this): chapter 8
hes to know of the Hon. Robert Y. Hayne, of Columbia, S. C., and the Mayor of Boston, what authority they have to put such questions? The South was mistaken in supposing the Bostonians indifferent to the defects of their legislation. Even Hosea Biglow's Mister Buckinum, The Hon. Joseph T. Buckingham. Send it to mister Buckinum, ses he, i don't offers agree with him, ses he, but by Time, ses he, I du like a feller that ain't a Feared ( Biglow papers, p. 15). But this was in 1846. whose liBiglow papers, p. 15). But this was in 1846. whose liberal conduct of the Courier had won Mr. Garrison's admiration and gratitude, could humble himself in this fashion: It is unquestionably true, as they [the editors of abolition Lib. 1.183. papers seldom seen here and seldom mentioned but with abhorrence ] will contend, that every man has a right to advocate abolition, or conspiracy, or murder; for he may do all these without breaking our laws, although in any Southern State public justice and public safety would require his punishment.
Edwin G. Walker (search for this): chapter 8
s out that it does not appear that Turner, who could both read and write, ever saw a copy of the infernal Liberator or of Walker's pamphlet. A great marvel remained to be noticed: a Quaker petition, praying for Lib. 1.207. some attention to the National Assemblies will contain a fair proportion of colored representatives. In fact, Mr. Garrison lived to see Edwin G. Walker, son of the author of Walker's appeal, not only admitted to the Suffolk Bar (March Term, 1864), but a member of the Walker's appeal, not only admitted to the Suffolk Bar (March Term, 1864), but a member of the Massachusetts Legislature (January Session, 1867). Later, in October, 1883, Mr. Walker was nominated judge of the Charlestown District Court by Gov. Benjamin F. Butler. Behind this prophecy was Mr. Garrison's dedication of himself to the redemptiMr. Walker was nominated judge of the Charlestown District Court by Gov. Benjamin F. Butler. Behind this prophecy was Mr. Garrison's dedication of himself to the redemption of the blacks: I never, he says, in the beginning of the Address to the Ibid., p. 3. Free People of Color, from which we have been chiefly quoting, I never rise to address a colored audience without feeling ashamed of my own color; ash
Samuel Joseph May (search for this): chapter 8
is first volume editorial promises went so often unfulfilled, appears in Mr. Garrison's letter to his beloved friend, Samuel J. May, under date of February 14, 1831: If the most unremitted labor had not occupied my time Ms. since your depag subserviency to Southern rights. By the editorial fraternity throughout the country, with Ms. Feb. 14, 1831, to S. J. May. hardly an exception, writes Mr. Garrison in a letter already quoted, the Liberator has been received with acclamation;them to Africa—unquestionably, as Mr. Garrison remarked, a New Way to pay Old Debts. Even his warm and admiring friend S. J. May took alarm at the Liberator's tone towards a movement which seemed at least introductory to more efficient measures, anerous merchant, Ebenezer Dole; from Rhode Island, the young wool-dealer, George William Benson; from Connecticut, the Rev. Samuel J. May, whose genial sympathy and bold support had won Mr. Garrison's instant affection, so that in the second number of
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