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Baltimore, Md. (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
to hold the men being apprehended, Sumner hurried to the jail, and taking them in a carriage, put them in charge of a friend, who conveyed them the same night to Baltimore, and a few hours later they were at the North and out of danger. Boston Commonwealth, August 12. See articles in the Commonwealth, August 12 and 24, explaini of Boston. Your own soul would rebuke you if you did. To John Bigelow, June 9:— I longed to see you. When you called I was at Eames's, discoursing on Baltimore and its scenes. This nomination Of Franklin Pierce, as Democratic candidate for President. makes me lament anew the fatal 1849, when the Barnburners and the e to see you on my way through New York, to converse on many things. I regret very much that John Van Buren has gone into this campaign. If he could not oppose Baltimore he should have been silent. Even Weller, with whom has been speaking in New Hampshire, says he ought to have gone to Europe. My admiration and attachment for h
Auburn, Ala. (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
a righteous cause. Hoping and believing—yea, through faith knowing, because His Word bath told us so—that the truth will ultimately triumph, since its abandonment by a majority of the Whig party I have been watching with increased interest the course of those who have not bowed the knee to Baal. May God prosper their efforts! I am truly glad to see that Mrs. Fish has become so warm a convert to principles which have as yet failed to win her husband. Mr. Seward himself wrote also from Auburn, September 22: Your speech is an admirable, a great, a very great one. That is my opinion; and every one around me, of all sorts, confesses it. The reformers were gladdened. Burritt, toiling in England for ocean penny postage, wept with joy and admiration while reading the magnificent speech. William Jay pronounced it worthy of the gentleman, the lawyer, and the Christian. His son John, as soon as he read the telegraphic report, wrote, I regard it as a triumph both for yourself
Lancaster, Mass. (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
articularly in its denial of the right of trial by jury, and relieved the consciences of those who had been constrained to yield it support under a sense of constitutional obligation. Horace Mann, in his speech in Congress, Feb. 28, 1851, treated at length this unconstitutional feature of the Act. Other points set up against the validity of the Act, which Sumner had not the time to enter upon, were ably discussed by others,—by Mann in the speech above referred to and in his speech at Lancaster, Mass., May 19, 1851, and by Rantoul and C. G, Loring on the trial of Thomas Sims, April 7-11, 1851. Whether traversing new fields or gleaning where others had reaped, the argument was put in a form which invited the study of multitudes of thoughtful citizens who are ordinarily repelled by political speeches. Dr. I. Ray, the distinguished alienist and author of the treatise on the Medical Jurisprudence of Insanity, in a note to Sumner mentioned this quality of the speech which had attracte
Newport (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
e law, July 31, 1854, but was voted down by ten yeas to thirty-five nays. He made another effort for the repeal, Feb. 23. 1855, which was voted down,—yeas nine, nays thirty. He wrote to John Bigelow, August 30:— The kind interest you express in my speech tempts me to the confidence of friendship. I shall be attacked, and the speech will be disparaged. But you shall know something of what was said on the floor of the Senate. A letter of Sumner to Rev. Dr. R. P. Stebbins, from Newport, Oct. 12, 1852, printed in Nason's Life of Sumner, p. 162, gives other comments on the speech. You will see what Hale and Chase said openly in debate. Others are reported in conversation. I know that some Hunkers have felt its force. Clarke of Rhode Island said it would be a text-book when they were dead and gone; Shields said it was the ablest speech ever made in the Senate on slavery; and Bright used even stronger language. Cass has complimented me warmly. Soule has expressed himsel
Iowa (Iowa, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
r Southern senator who joined in the debate, and he only in a few words, which, though referring to the senator's rhetorical flourishes, were neither unparliamentary nor uncivil. Sumner's land speech had been followed by pleasant relations between him and Rusk. Three Democratic senators from New England—Bradbury, Toucey, and James—took occasion to express themselves against Sumner's amendment, or any disturbance of the Compromise measures; but they were entirely respectful to him. Dodge of Iowa insisted on the constitutionality of the law which had been so eloquently and fiercely denounced, and said it was lamentable to see gentlemen possessed of a high order of talents, of extensive and varied erudition, and who should from their knowledge and experience know much of men and things, engaged in riding this hobby to the extremes to which many of them are going in their grand crusade for liberty, equality, and fraternity, and trying to introduce black-skinned, flat-nosed, and woolly-h
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
ing curiosity to hear the new senator from Massachusetts; and when he rose late in the afternoon ofor a long time. A political opponent from Massachusetts, heretofore unsparing in criticisms, who wto the mass of his political supporters in Massachusetts. They were pleased that he had acquitted est in the question, and what there was in Massachusetts arose chiefly from its relation to the new. Sumner, the Free Democratic senator from Massachusetts, had visited me in prison shortly after hime will come for me; but it is not now. of Massachusetts; and the resolution was laid aside withoud. Meanwhile the Compromise journals in Massachusetts were charging that his attempt in July wasfullness and frankness of the senator from Massachusetts. I thank him for this full and fair expos Slave Act. . . .What has the senator from Massachusetts asserted? That the fugitive-servant clausater he referred to the other senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Davis), who has the fortune to be a g[10 more...]
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
in the body. The other senators who took the oath at the same time were Hamilton Fish of New York, Benjamin F. Wade of Ohio, James of Rhode Island, and Geyer of Missouri. Later in the day Mallory of Florida was sworn. Sumner had selected a seat on the Democratic side of the chamber,—one recently occupied by Jefferson Davis, who any parliamentary assembly. Benton, the least distinguished of the four, after thirty years of service, had been thrown out by the intense pro-slavery party of Missouri, made up of Whigs and Democrats, as a punishment for his resistance to the Compromise policy. He was chosen at the next election a member of the house from thState or municipal taxation. Jan. 27, Feb. 17, March 16, 1852. Works, vol. III. pp. 12-42. Senators from the West and Southwest— Fetch of Michigan, Geyer of Missouri, and Downs of Louisiana —were grateful for co-operation from an unexpected quarter, and expressed in debate their appreciation of his timely assistance. The f<
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 8
capital the Hungarian patriot proceeded to the South and West, and thence to New England, receiving in his progress honors such as had been accorded to no foreigner l columns. Meanwhile the Whig journals, which covered the State and most of New England with their daily issues, poured a volley of criticisms on Sumner whenever thhe session. He presented, May 26, a memorial from the Society of Friends in New England, asking for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act, and while explaining its pole reform life. A man of more rightful expectations than any of his age in New England spoke .hat peace address July 4. Perhaps he did not know then all he was sad by pleasant relations between him and Rusk. Three Democratic senators from New England—Bradbury, Toucey, and James—took occasion to express themselves against Sumnhe Fugitive Slave law on that day were Hamilton Fish, and four senators from New England,—John H. Clarke, Hamlin, Truman Smith, and Upham. It is difficult at this d<
France (France) (search for this): chapter 8
ing helped to give its author the opportunity to make it, he disapproved with much energy of expression its assertion of the doctrine of non-intervention, which in his view involved, when first proclaimed by our government, a breach of faith with France; he treated the law of nations as a humbug, and avowed his readiness to follow an unheeded protest of our government against Russian intervention in Hungary with armed resistance. He further declared his purpose to join with any party in supportr, with a condition—the disavowal of his brother's opinions—which compelled him to decline. Commonwealth, March 15, April 1 and 2, 1853. In the winter of 1852-1853 he appeared for the first time before lyceums, taking The Progress of Reform in France as his topic. Charles wrote to John Bigelow, March 26, 1853:— The post of assistant secretary of state was offered to my brother; but I write, not for any public correction of your paper, but merely for your private information. More than<
Paris, Ky. (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
ignity which became a senator now entered. Being a new member, and having political associations obnoxious to nearly all the senators, he was assigned a place at the foot of two committees,—one on revolutionary claims, and the other on roads and canals. Perley (B. P. Poore) described in the Boston Journal, April 4, 1874, incidents connected with Sumner's first session. Sumner at once fell into pleasant relations with his associates. Cass, with the recollection of their intercourse in Paris in 1838, was as amiable and gracious as his position of a Northern man altogether subservient to Southern dictation permitted. The Southern senators, the most advanced and intense in their devotion to slavery (like mason of Virginia and Foote of Mississippi), did not avoid him, as the Boston Whigs had forewarned, either on account of his antislavery opinions or the manner of his election, but received him civilly, conversed freely with him on public business and general topics, and some of
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