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Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the Colonization of the United States, Vol. 1, 17th edition.. Search the whole document.

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Thorp (search for this): chapter 9
ess singularly favored by climate, succeeds only in a dense population; for a small vineyard requires the labor of many hands. It is a law of nature, that, in a new country under the temperate zone, corn and cattle will be raised, rather than silk or wine. The first culture of cotton in the United States de- 1621 serves commemoration. This year the seeds were planted as an experiment; and their plentiful coming up was, at that early day, a subject of interest in America and England. Thorp's letter of May 17, 1621, in a marginal note in Purchas, IV. 1789. Nor did the benevolence of the company neglect to establish places of education, and provide for the support of religious worship. The bishop of London collected and paid a thousand pounds towards a university; which, like the several churches of the colony, was liberally endowed with domains. Stith, 162. 166. 172, 173. Public and private charity were active; Mem. of Religious Charitie, in State of Virginia, 1622,
Hammond (search for this): chapter 9
nts became a regular business; and a class of men, nicknamed spirits, used to delude young persons, servants and idlers, into embarking for America, as to a land of spontaneous plenty. Bullock's Virginia, 1649, p. 14. White servants came to be a usual article of traffic. They were sold in England to be transported, and in Virginia were resold to the highest bidder; like negroes, they were to be purchased on shipboard, as men buy horses at a fair. Sad State of Virginia, 1657, p. 4, 5. Hammond's Leah and Rachel, 7. In 1672, the average price in the colonies, where five years of service were due, was about ten pounds; while a negro was worth twenty or twenty-five pounds. Blome's Jamaica, 84 and 16. So usual was this manner of dealing in Englishmen, that not the Scots only, who were taken in the field of Dunbar, were sent into involuntary servitude in New England, Cromwell and Cotton, in Hutchinson's Coll. 233—235. but the royalist prisoners of the battle of Worcester; Su
Ireland (search for this): chapter 9
r; Suffolk County Records, i. 5 and 6. The names of two hundred and seventy are recorded. The lading of the John and Sarah was ironwork, household stuff, and other provisions for planters and Scotch prisoners. Recorded May 14, 1652. and the leaders in the insurrection of Penruddoc, Burton's Diary, IV. 262. 271. 5 Stith, 171. Godwin's Commonwealth, IV. 172. in spite of the remonstrance of Haselrig and Chap. V.} Henry Vane, were shipped to America. At the corresponding period, in Ireland, the crowded exportation of Irish Catholics was a frequent event, and was attended by aggravations hardly inferior to the usual atrocities of the African slave-trade. Lingard, XI. 131,132. In 1685, when nearly a thousand of the prisoners, condemned for participating in the insurrection of Monmouth, were sentenced to transportation, men of influence at court, with rival importunity, scrambled for the convicted insurgents as a merchantable commodity. Dalrymple. Mackintosh, Hist. of the
Vasquez Ayllon (search for this): chapter 9
v. 404, 405. 407. The native Indians themselves were ever ready to resist the treacherous merchant; the freemen of the wilderness, unlike the Africans, among whom slavery had existed from immemorial time, would never abet the foreign merchant, or become his factors in the nefarious traffic. Fraud and force remained, therefore, the means by which, near Newfoundland or Florida, on the shores of the Atlantic, or among the Indians of the Mississippi valley, Cortereal and Vasquez de Chap. V.} Ayllon, Porcallo and Soto, with private adventurers. whose names and whose crimes may be left unrecorded, transported the natives of North America into slavery in Europe and the Spanish West Indies. The glory of Columbus himself did not escape the stain; enslaving five hundred native Americans, he sent them 1494. to Spain, that they might be publicly sold at Seville. Irving's Columbus, b. VIII. c. v. The generous Isabella commanded the liberation of 1500. the Indians held in bondage in her
Holmes (search for this): chapter 9
e the execution of the conspiracy, it Chap V.} 1622 was revealed by a converted Indian to an Englishman whom he wished to rescue; Jamestown and the nearest settlements were well prepared against an attack; and the savages, as timid as they were ferocious, fled with precipitation from the appearance of wakeful re distance. Thus the larger part of the colony was save State of Virginia, in 1622, p. 18. Purchas, IV. 1792, says one thousand eight hundred survived; probably in-exact. Compare Holmes, i. 178, note. A year after the massacre, there still remained two thousand five hundred men; the total number of the emigrants had exceeded four thousand. The immediate consequences of this massacre were disastrous. Public works were abandoned; Stith, 281, 219. 218. the culture of the fields was much restricted; the settlements were reduced from eighty plantations to less than eight. Purchas, IV. 1792. Virginia's Verger, in Purchas, IV. 1816. Stith, 235. Sickness prevailed among t
Wilkins (search for this): chapter 9
foreign slaves was freely tolerated: in defiance of severe penalties, the Saxons sold their own kindred into slavery on the continent; nor could the traffic be checked, till religion, pleading the cause of humanity, made its appeal to conscience. Even after the conquest, slaves were exported from England to Ireland, till the reign 1102. of Henry II., when a national synod of the Irish, to remove the pretext for an invasion, decreed the emancipation of all English slaves in the island. Wilkins's Concilia, i. 383, 471. compare Lyttleton's Henry II. III. O. Turner. Lingard, Anderson. The German nations made the shores of the Baltic the scenes of the same desolating traffic; and the Dnieper formed the highway on which Russian merchants conveyed to Constantinople the slaves that had been purchased in the markets of Russia. The wretched often submitted to bondage, as the bitter but only refuge from absolute want. But it was the long wars between German and Slavonic tribes whic
Nov (search for this): chapter 9
on of the king was already taken, Oct. 24. and commissioners were appointed to proceed to Virginia, to examine into the state of the plantation, to ascertain what expectations might be conceived, and to discover the means by which good hopes were to be realized. Burk, i. 272, and note. Chalmers, 62. 76. John Harvey and Samuel Matthews, Chap V.} 1623 both distinguished in the annals of Virginia, were of the number of the committee. It now only remained to issue a writ of quo warran- Nov 10. to against the company. It was done; and, at the next quarter court, the adventurers, seven only oppo- 19 sing, confirmed the former refusal to surrender the charter, and made preparations for defence. Stith, 298, 299. For that purpose, their papers were for a season restored: while they were once more in the hands of the company, they were fortunately copied; and the copy, having been purchased by a Virginian, was consulted by Stith, and gave to his history the authority of an origi
Apologie De B. Las (search for this): chapter 9
g from America to plead 1517. the cause of the feeble Indians, in the same year which saw the dawn of the Reformation in Germany, suggested the expedient, The merits of Las Casas have been largely discussed. The controversy seems now concluded. Irving's Columbus, III. 367—378. Navarette, Introduccion, s. LVIII. LIX, The Memoir of Las Casas still exists in manuscript. Herrera, d. II. l. II. c. XX. Robertson's America, b. III. It may yet gratify curiosity to compare Gregoire, Apologie de B. Las Casas, in Mem. de l'inst. Nat. An VIII.; and Verplanck, in N. Y. Hist. Coll. III. 49—53, and 103—105 that negroes might still further be employed to perform the severe toils which they alone could endure. The avarice of the Flemings greedily seized on the expedient; the board of trade at Seville was consulted, to learn how many slaves Chap. V.} would be required. It had been proposed to allow four for each Spanish emigrant; deliberate calculation fixed the number esteemed necessa<
Herrera (search for this): chapter 9
se of Columbus was conceived. Irving's Columbus, II. 351, 352. Herrera, d. i. l. IV. c. XII. The maritime adventurers of those days,n in slavery among Christians, to be transported to Hispaniola. Herrera, d. i l. IV. c. XII. Thus the royal ordinances of Spain authorizeduction of negro slaves, who had been bred in Moorish families, Herrera, d. i. l. VI. . XX. and allowing only those who were said to have r. King Ferdinand himself sent from Seville 1510. fifty slave Herrera, d. i. l. VIII. c. IX. to labor in the mines; and, because it wasla was enjoined by a royal ordinance, Ibid. d. i. l. IX. c. v. Herrera is explicit. The note of the French translator of Navarette, i .2. LVIII. LIX, The Memoir of Las Casas still exists in manuscript. Herrera, d. II. l. II. c. XX. Robertson's America, b. III. It may yet of slavery, and to order emancipation. The first is probable; yet Herrera, d. II. l. II. c. XX., denounces not slavery, but the monopoly o
Godwin (search for this): chapter 9
re sent into involuntary servitude in New England, Cromwell and Cotton, in Hutchinson's Coll. 233—235. but the royalist prisoners of the battle of Worcester; Suffolk County Records, i. 5 and 6. The names of two hundred and seventy are recorded. The lading of the John and Sarah was ironwork, household stuff, and other provisions for planters and Scotch prisoners. Recorded May 14, 1652. and the leaders in the insurrection of Penruddoc, Burton's Diary, IV. 262. 271. 5 Stith, 171. Godwin's Commonwealth, IV. 172. in spite of the remonstrance of Haselrig and Chap. V.} Henry Vane, were shipped to America. At the corresponding period, in Ireland, the crowded exportation of Irish Catholics was a frequent event, and was attended by aggravations hardly inferior to the usual atrocities of the African slave-trade. Lingard, XI. 131,132. In 1685, when nearly a thousand of the prisoners, condemned for participating in the insurrection of Monmouth, were sentenced to transportation,
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