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Grafton, W. Va. (West Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
er and Adams spoke. Sumner began with a tribute to Dr. Howe's character, and then, disclaiming any sentiment except of kindness towards Winthrop as a citizen and an honorable gentleman, touched upon the issues of the slavery question on which he had failed to meet the exigencies of the times, and commented upon his vote for the Mexican war bill. The noteworthy feature of the speech was a review of the opinions and action of eminent English patriots—Chatham, Burke, Fox, Camden, the Duke of Grafton, Barre, and others who resolutely opposed the war of our Revolution, refusing to vote supplies for its prosecution, or even a tribute of praise to the officers and troops engaged in it; and it concluded with a demand for the instant withdrawal of our forces from Mexico. Sumner was the first to apply the historical parallel to the discussion. Giddings availed himself of it in a speech in Congress, and quoted the declarations which Sumner had cited. Dec. 15, 1846. Speeches in Congress, p
Montreal (Canada) (search for this): chapter 4
by old age nobler than was his by right of heroism in the cause of humanity. Giddings, after a service of twenty years, failed, under strange conditions, to receive a renomination from a constituency whose confidence and gratitude he still retained. Sumner wrote to him, Feb. 1, 1859, from Montpellier, France, a letter which is printed in Giddings's Life by Julian, pp. 357, 358. It is full of affection and grateful appreciation. Their correspondence while Giddings was consul-general at Montreal. where he died May 27, 1864, will be found in the same volume, pp. 384-394. One of Giddings's last letters written to others than his family was to Sumner. Giddings had been deeply interested in Sumner's Fourth of July oration and other addresses. They met first at Springfield in the autumn of 1846, and again when Giddings followed as a mourner the remains of his veteran colleague, Mr. Adams, to Massachusetts. During the whole of 1847 and until the nomination of General Taylor, their
Delaware (Delaware, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
h repeated the President's statement that by the act of the Republic of Mexico a state of war exists between that government and the United States; and shutting off debate at every stage, passed it, with its provision for fifty thousand men and an appropriation of fifty thousand dollars for the prosecution of the war to a speedy and successful termination. Only sixteen votes were given against the measure in both Houses: two in the Senate,—John Davis of Massachusetts, and Thomas Clayton of Delaware,—and fourteen in the House, with the name of John Quincy Adams standing at their head. Mr. Calhoun pleaded for deliberation; denied the truth of the statement in the bill as to the origin of the war; distinguished between hostilities which had begun and war which could alone he authorized and declared by Congress; and refused to vote on the bill. (See his speeches, Jan. 4, March 16, 17, 1848.) Berrien of Georgia, and Evans of Maine, senators, also refused to vote on it. Giddings's Histo
Springfield (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
the two Massachusetts members who voted for the bill, said before the controversy arose that it was passed in a panic. May 18. Webster said in his speech at Springfield, Sept. 29, 1847, that Congress was surprised into the Act of 13th May, 1846. The war bill was at the time disapproved by the moral sentiment of the people o right and left to embarrass and confound him, it was sufficiently evident that the hour had found its man and the main his hour. The convention was held at Springfield, September 29. A contest as to the platform between the two sections of the party, similar to that of the preceding year, was expected. Palfrey, recently electten to others than his family was to Sumner. Giddings had been deeply interested in Sumner's Fourth of July oration and other addresses. They met first at Springfield in the autumn of 1846, and again when Giddings followed as a mourner the remains of his veteran colleague, Mr. Adams, to Massachusetts. During the whole of 184
Quincy (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
a process for the rescue of the negro. The capture was unlawful; the pursuing captain was a volunteer in a service which was odious to all men of honorable sentiments; and the jurisdiction and process of the State had been treated with contempt. The circumstances certainly invited an expression of public indignation. John A. Andrew, a young lawyer, was active in making the preliminary arrangements for the meeting. Sumner and Dr. Howe visited Ex-President John Quincy Adams at his home in Quincy, and requested him to preside. J. Q. Adams's Diary, vol. XII. pp. 272-275. He was then seventy-nine years of age, and had just returned from Washington after a long session of Congress, which had been extended into the severe heat of summer. He hesitated, on account of his feeble condition, to accept; and it remained doubtful until the day of the meeting whether he would be able to be present. His strong will, and an interval of strength which fortunately came to him, gave the people
Calhoun, Ky. (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
es. Both Adams and Giddings, who took the same course, sought by frightening the South to bring about a peaceful settlement of the Oregon question. Julian's Life of Giddings, pp. 185-189. Perhaps this accounts partly for the unanimity with which they have declared in favor of peace. Calhoun has won what Adams has lost; and I have been not a little pained to be obliged to withdraw my sympathies from the revered champion of freedom, and give them to the unhesitating advocate of slavery. Calhoun's course has been wise and able. In December, Texas, with a constitution establishing slavery and guarding against emancipation by extreme provisions, was admitted as a State without serious opposition. Massachusetts was, however, heard at the final stage, in brief but weighty words from Webster in the Senate, and in a speech from Julius Rockwell in the House, where the latter succeeded in getting the floor in spite of a resolute effort to suppress debate. In the session of the Mass
Monterey, Mass. (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
entiment. The style was highly rhetorical, and its form quite as much as its substance made it offensive to Winthrop. Sumner said:— Such, sir, is the Act of Congress to which by your affirmative vote the people of Boston are made parties. Through you they are made to declare unjust and cowardly war, with superadded falsehood, in the cause of slavery. Through You they are made partakers in the blockade of Vera Cruz, the seizure of California, the capture of Santa Fe, the bloodshed of Monterey. It were idle to suppose that the soldier or officer only is stained by this guilt. It reaches far back, and incarnadines the halls of Congress; nay, more, through you it reddens the hands of your constituents in Boston. . . . . Let me ask you to remember in your public course the rules of right which you obey in private life. The principles of morals are the same for nations as for individuals. Pardon me, if I suggest that you have not acted invariably according to this truth. You wou
Vermont (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
urage, moral and physical, which never failed. In a period of servility and compromise, in a period when political and social ostracism and even personal violence were the doom of antislavery men in Congress, deserted by allies on whose fidelity he had counted, and sometimes obliged to stand alone, he kept his loyalty without swerving under any pressure of influence or circumstances. His period of service lasted for twenty years; but from 1843 to 1847, after Gates of New York and Slade of Vermont had retired, and Adams had become enfeebled by age, the brunt of the conflict fell upon him; and it was not till December, 1849, that he had any considerable reinforcement. But whether supported by few or many, unwearied and undaunted, he met the aggressive slave-power with a challenge wherever it appeared,— whether in the suppression of debate, the demand for compensation for slaves (insurgent, fugitive, captured, or wrecked), or in the maintenance of the internal slave-trade, or in plots
Lowell (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
statement of doctrines, and suggested a possible separation from the national Whig party, as also in their more determined spirit, the resolutions offered as an amendment differed from those reported by the committee. Phillips introduced them to the convention in an earnest and conciliatory speech. Linus Child at once objected to the amendment that it was superfluous, being the same in substance as the committee's report, which sufficiently covered the ground. Child was a delegate from Lowell, to which city he had recently removed from Worcester to become the manager of some mills. While living at Worcester and representing that county in the State Senate he had taken very radical ground against the annexation of Texas, maintaining that if Texas were annexed by legislation, it should be excluded by legislation. Judge Allen referred to this change of position as connected with a change of residence, and Child defended himself with considerable warmth. C. F. Adams, whose speech w
Cleveland (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 4
847, against the Mexican War was of extraordinary power, surpassing as an invective against a great wrong — a war wicked at its beginning and in its progress — any ever heard in Congress except Sumner's against slavery. Giddings wrote Sumner that Root noticed that the speech made Mr. Webster look pale. The antislavery Whigs at once turned to him as a candidate for the Presidency. Sumner, in private letters and newspaper articles, advised his nomination. Letters to True Democrat, Cleveland, O., Aug. 15 and Dec. 25, 1847. Henry Wilson, in the Boston Whig, Aug. 18, 1847, advised Corwin's nomination. Corwin desired a copy of Sumner's oration on Fame and glory ; and writing to him said: I almost abhor that last word; it has kept so much bad company in its time that I fear it will always bring with it error and contamination. Corwin, however, was unstable by nature; of generous impulses, but without firmness of character,--unable to keep the heights his soul was competent to gain
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