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Ellen Crafts (search for this): chapter 6
groes against whose liberty it was aimed; but only Free Soilers and Abolitionists took part in it. The venerable Josiah Quincy addressed a letter to the meeting, expressing sympathy with its purpose. Sumner was appointed one of the legal committee for the protection of alleged fugitives. On the committee also were S. E Sewall, Dana, John C. Park, and William Minot. They called C. G. Loring to their aid. About the same time, a slave claimant from Virginia sought to secure William and Ellen Crafts, who had recently escaped, and on arriving in Boston had found wise and brave protectors in Theodore Parker, Dr. Henry I. Bowditch, Ellis Gray Loring, and Mrs. George S. Hillard. They were skilfully secreted and sent to England. The next February (1851), when the case of Shadrach was pending before G. T. Curtis, a commissioner, a body of colored men forced the door of the court room, and the negro, being taken from the officers, escaped to Canada. President Fillmore at once issued a p
B. R. Curtis (search for this): chapter 6
their obligations finally determined, by the supreme moral law. Webster's Works, vol. II. p. 582; vol. VI. p. 578. He said at Capon Springs, Va., June, 1850 (Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 516): And when nothing else will answer, they invoke religion and speak of a higher law. Gentlemen, this North Mountain is high; tct if the North deliberately disregarded the obligation to surrender fugitive slaves, using language not unlike that of the secession orators of 1860 and 1861. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. pp. 517-520. Everett omitted this speech from his edition of Webster's Works. On the death of President Taylor, he did not conceal frde. He wrote, two days after Taylor's death, There is no doubt that recent events have increased the probability of the passage of that measure [the Compromise]. Curtis's Life, vol. II. p. 464, note. His personal feelings carried him so far, that, as Secretary of State under Fillmore, he withdrew the patronage of his department—
Rufus Choate (search for this): chapter 6
1848, in which he showed a favorable disposition towards the antislavery or Free Soil movement. The love of liberty traditional with the people of the State, and often lauded by himself, he now derided as fanaticism,— a local prejudice which it was the duty of good citizens to conquer. Webster's Works, vol. v. p. 432; Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 438. The writer was present when Webster spoke from a carriage in front of the Revere House on the afternoon of April 29, 1850. Choate was by his side, and B. R. Curtis addressed him from a temporary platform. His face was never darker and sterner than when he said interrogatively, Massachusetts must conquer her prejudices. Instead of treating, as one with his view of the Constitution might have done, the restoration of fugitive slaves—involving the separation of families, life-long bondage and cruelty—as a painful duty to be performed with the utmost care and tenderness, he set aside the moral and humane aspects of a ques<
Robert Rantoul (search for this): chapter 6
, vol. i. p. 228. Early in April, 1851, Thomas Sims, another negro living in Boston, was brought before the same commissioner, claimed by a slaveholder from Georgia. The Administration at Washington, under Mr. Webster's lead, determined that this proceeding should not fail. The city marshal, acting under a formal order of Mayor Bigelow and the Board of Aldermen, in co-operation with the United States officers, surrounded the court house with chains. Sims's counsel, S. E. Sewall, R. Rantoul, Jr., C. G. Loring, and R. H. Dana, Jr., sought to secure the negro's liberty by writs of habeas corpus, bringing him before the Supreme Court of the State and the District and Circuit Courts of the United States, but without avail. The commissioner gave a certificate of rendition, and the negro was taken by three hundred armed policemen to Long Wharf, and put on board the brig Acorn, owned by John H. Pearson, a name already associated with a kidnapping case. Ante, p. 130. The agent of the
Nathan Appleton (search for this): chapter 6
Vice-President, or for members of Congress or of any State legislature, any man of whatever party who is not known to be opposed to the disturbance of the settlement aforesaid, and to the renewal in any form of agitation upon the subject of slavery. Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp 348, 349. Among the signers were Howell Cobb, H. S. Foote, A. H. Stephens, R. Toombs, and J. B. Thompson. The only Whig member from New England who signed this paper was Samuel A. Eliot, of Boston. Mr. Appleton, his successor, alone of the Massachusetts delegation, voted that the Compromise, including the Fugitive Slave law, was a final and permanent settlement. April 5, 1852. The speech of Daniel Webster in the Senate, March 7, 1850, in favor of the Compromise measures, was a surprise to the people of Massachusetts. It was in conflict with the principles they had uniformly maintained, as well as with his general course as the representative of the State. See Sumner's letter to John B
James Buchanan (search for this): chapter 6
in the slave States. This was not indeed the wisdom of the period itself, but an afterthought of a generation later. The makers of the Compromise professed to be seeking, not a truce, but a final pacification. But whether their scheme proved to have even this incidental advantage, not claimed or foreseen by them, must always remain a matter of pure speculation. If the loyal people were in numbers and resources relatively stronger in 1860 than in 1850, on the other hand the pro-slavery party had during the intervening decade, under the administrations of Pierce and Buchanan, used diligently its opportunity to spread the virus of disunion, solidify opinion, concert action, corrupt officers of the army and navy, and dispose the materials of war in a way to give the insurrection the advantage at its beginning. The South was united and prepared in 1860 as it was not in 1850, and the government was at the outset in the means of resistance weaker at the later than at the earlier period.
G. T. Curtis (search for this): chapter 6
's friends had procured in order to hold him against Commissioner Curtis's order of rendition. Sumner, as he began, said thay compromises, or do anything inconsistent with the past. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 342. He had repeatedly aff 562; Webster's Private Correspondence, vol. II. p. 370—; Curtis's, Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 438. In this new directiossion unless she came with the Compromise on her back. Curtis's life of Webster, vol. II. pp. 473, 474. He voted April of State in executing the Fugitive Slave law in Boston, Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 490. and with his passiona, 562, 563, 577; Private Correspondence, vol. II. p. 376; Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 427. He passed the bounds liberty law in 1843, Webster's Works, vol. VI. p. 557; Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. pp. 426, 427.—a statute seven citizens to conquer. Webster's Works, vol. v. p. 432; Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 438. The writer was presen
C. F. Adams (search for this): chapter 6
cuted in Boston, and assumed the direction of the prosecutions, although it properly belonged to the Attorney-General. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. p. 228. Early in April, 1851, Thomas Sims, another negro living in Boston, was brought e did not enter the case at the beginning on account of the pending election for senator, in which he was the candidate. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. pp 183, 188, 189, 190. In association with Mr. Sewall he applied, without success, to Judgestatute of 1843 to proceedings under the new Fugitive Slave Act; and it was presented to a committee of the Legislature. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. p. 184. The judge was unfriendly and brusque,—breaking out, when Sewall in a quiet way habiyet in the Union, tank God! It was described as a mere political clap-trap speech, intended for the Southern market. （Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. p. 191.) The writer was present, and well remembers the scene. The room was crowded, chiefl
Boston (search for this): chapter 6
tions, they had their way. An appeal was also made to a more sordid sentiment, and Northern capitalists were assured by Webster and other supporters of the Compromise that a revision of the tariff in their interest could be obtained only by concession to Southern demands. Horace Mann's Life, pp. 331, 332, 335, 337. Webster's Private Correspondence. vol. II. pp. 366, 370, 388, 390, 391; Webster's Works, vol. VI. p. 547. Von Holst, vol. III. p. 505. The paper drawn by Eliot and signed by Boston merchants in support of the Compromise before it was passed put forward the beneficent legislation which would follow it. Boston Courier, June 12, 1850. Palfrey's Five years progress of the Slave power treats of the alliance of that power with the Northern money-power through trade and political equivalents. This review of Webster's course on slavery in 1850-1852, which has been generally left in the background by his eulogists, has been no welcome task; but it is essential to an unders
E. L. Pierce (search for this): chapter 6
in the slave States. This was not indeed the wisdom of the period itself, but an afterthought of a generation later. The makers of the Compromise professed to be seeking, not a truce, but a final pacification. But whether their scheme proved to have even this incidental advantage, not claimed or foreseen by them, must always remain a matter of pure speculation. If the loyal people were in numbers and resources relatively stronger in 1860 than in 1850, on the other hand the pro-slavery party had during the intervening decade, under the administrations of Pierce and Buchanan, used diligently its opportunity to spread the virus of disunion, solidify opinion, concert action, corrupt officers of the army and navy, and dispose the materials of war in a way to give the insurrection the advantage at its beginning. The South was united and prepared in 1860 as it was not in 1850, and the government was at the outset in the means of resistance weaker at the later than at the earlier period.
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