[502a]
for very shame, if for no other
reason, they may assent?” “Certainly,” said
he.“Let us assume,
then,” said I, “that they are won over to this view.
Will anyone contend that there is no chance that the offspring of kings and
rulers should be born with the philosophic nature?” “Not
one,” he said. “And can anyone prove that if so born
they must necessarily be corrupted? The difficulty1 of their salvation we too
concede; but that in all the course of time
[502b]
not one of all could be saved,2 will anyone maintain that?”
“How could he?” “But surely,” said
I, “the occurrence of one such is enough,3 if he has a state which obeys
him,4 to realize5 all that now seems so
incredible.” “Yes, one is enough,” he said.
“For if such a ruler,” I said, “ordains the
laws and institutions that we have described it is surely not impossible
that the citizens should be content to carry them out.”
“By no means.” “Would it, then, be at all
strange or impossible for others to come to the opinion to which we have
come6?”
[502c]
“I think not,” said he.
“And further that these things are best, if possible, has already,
I take it, been sufficiently shown.” “Yes,
sufficiently.” “Our present opinion, then, about this
legislation is that our plan would be best if it could be realized and that
this realization is difficult7 yet not impossible.” “That is the
conclusion,” he said.“This difficulty disposed of, we have next
[502d]
to speak of what remains, in what way, namely, and as a
result of what studies and pursuits, these preservers8 of the constitution will form a part of
our state, and at what ages they will severally take up each
study.” “Yes, we have to speak of that,” he
said. “I gained nothing,” I said, “by my
cunning9 in
omitting heretofore10 the
distasteful topic of the possession of women and procreation of children and
the appointment of rulers, because I knew that the absolutely true and right
way would provoke censure and is difficult of realization;
[502e]
for now I am none the less compelled to discuss
them. The matter of the women and children has been disposed of,11 but the education of the
rulers has to be examined again, I may say, from the starting-point. We were
saying, if you recollect,
1 Cf. Laws 711 Dτὸ χαλεπόν, and 495 A-B.
2 Cf. 494 A.
3 Cf. Epist. vii. 328 C and Novotny, Plato's Epistles, p. 170 Plato's apparent radicalism again. Cf. on 501 A. Cf. also Laws 709 E, but note the qualification in 875 C, 713 E-714 A. 691 C-D. Wilamowitz, Platon, ii. pp. 381-383 seems to say that the εἷς ἱκανός is the philosopher—Plato.
4 Note the different tone of 565 Eλαβὼν σφόδρα πειθόμενον ὄχλον. Cf. Phaedr. 260 Cλαβὼν πόλιν ὡσαύτως ἔχουσαν πείθῃ.
5 Cf. on 499 D, and Frutiger, Mythes de Platon, p. 43.
6 Cf. Epist. vii. 327 B-C, viii. 357 B ff.
7 Cf. 502 A, Campbell's not on Theaet. 144 A, and Wilamowitz, Platon, ii. p. 208.
8 Cf. on 412 A-B and 497 C-D, Laws 960 B. 463 B is not quite relevant.
9 For τὸ σοφόν Cf. Euthydem. 293 D, 297 D, Gorg. 493 A, Herod. v. 18τοῦτο οὐδὲν εἶναι σοφόν, Symp. 214 Aτὸ σύφισμα, Laches 183 D.
10 Cf. 423 E.
11 In Bk. V.
Plato. Plato in Twelve Volumes, Vols. 5 & 6 translated by Paul Shorey. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd. 1969.
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