Ii.
His speech on the Barbarism of Slavery—from which we shall soon quote largely,—roused the same infernal spirit which
Mr. Sumner had so forcibly depicted, and a party of ruffians made several attempts four days afterwards, to enter his lodgings, with the purpose, as subsequently avowed, of taking his life.
Senator Wilson, who had gone to the street door on the ringing of the bell, prevented their entrance by telling them
Mr. Sumner had not yet returned, and instantly took effectual means for his protection.
A party of brave
Kansas men, without
Mr. Sumner's knowledge, acted as a body-guard, keeping within covering distance of him wherever he went; for he still walked about unarmed, and with no special precaution against violence.
It was his desire not to give publicity to the intentions of the assassins; but they became known, and from various parts of the country, men either started for
Washington, or volunteered their services, at
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whatever hazard, to protect the person of the
Senator.
Mr. Burlingame,
Mr. John Sherman, or
Mr. Wilson, slept in the room opening into his chamber.
The
Mayor of
Washington, who had learned the purposes of the assassins, invited
Mr. Sumner to make affidavits of the facts, or lodge a complaint.
The latter he declined to do, on the ground that, from the past, neither he nor his friends could rely upon
Washington magistrates.
But the
Mayor finally brought the ringleader, who was a Virginian, and a well-known office-holder under the administration, to
Mr. Sumner's room to
apologize.
The correspondents of the
Chicago Press and
Tribune, wrote, June 5th:
The speech of Charles Sumner yesterday, was probably the most masterly and exhaustive argument against human bondage, that has ever been made in this, or any other country, since man first commenced to oppress his fellow-man.
He took the floor at ten minutes past twelve, and spoke until a little after four.
The tone of the speech was not vindictive, and yet there was a terrible severity running through it, that literally awed the Southern Senators.
As an effort, it will live in history long after the ephemeral contest of this age shall have passed away.
Indeed, while listening to it, I could not but feel,—and the same feeling was I know experienced by others—that the eloquent and brave orator was speaking rather to future generations, and to the impartial audience of the civilized world, than to the men of to-day, with a view of effecting any result upon the elements by which he was immediately surrounded.
The correspondent of the New York
Evening Post:
Mr. Sumner's speech was a tremendous attack upon Slavery, and yet was utterly devoid of personalities.
He attacked the Institution, and not individuals; but his language was very severe.
There was no let-up in the severity from beginning to end.
The correspondent of the Boston
Traveller said:
So far as personal violence was to be apprehended, we think he was
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as unconcerned as a man could be. Anxiety on that account might have been felt by his friends, but not by him. He seemed to be all-forgetful of himself, and to have his mind dwelling on the cause to which he was devoted, the race for which he was to plead, and on the responsibility under which he stood to his country, and to generations to come.
There was something sublime in the orator, and the majesty with which he spoke.
His speech and his conduct were fully endorsed by the Legislature of Massachusetts.
Carl Schurz, writing from
Milwaukee, said:
Allow me to congratulate you on the success of your great speech.
It did me good to hear again the true ring of the moral Anti-Slavery sentiment.
If we want to demolish the Slave Power, we must educate the hearts of the people, no less than their heads.
Joshua R. Giddings, so long the champion of Freedom, in Congress, wrote:
My heart swells with gratitude to God that you are again permitted to stand in the Senate, and maintain the honor of the nation, and of mankind.
Gerrit Smith said:
God be praised for the proof it affords that you are yourself again—aye, more than yourself!
I say more, for, though ‘The Crime against Kansas’ was the speech of your life, this is the speech of your life.
This eclipses that.
The slaveholders will all read this speech, and will all be profited by its clear, certain, and convincing proofs.
The candid among them will not dislike you for it; not a few of them will, at least in their hearts, thank and honor you for it. Would that they all might see that there is no wrong or malice whatever in your heart.
1 am scattering through my county this great speech of your life.
Wendell Phillips: ‘It is heart-stirring and cheering to hear your voice once more along the lines.
Those were four nobly used hours.
'Twas a blast of the old,
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well-known bugle, and fell on welcoming ears and thankful hearts.’
And so, by the hundred, came pouring in piles of letters from the most eminent statesmen and lovers of Freedom in every part of the land, revealing the fact, that a wider and a deeper sentiment of indignation had been awakened against the aggressions of the
Slave Power, than had been provoked even by the atrocities of border ruffianism in the
West.
