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Gardiner (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
ventieth year when war became an actual fact. The Constitution of the United States, which had been the object of his pride and admiration from his youth, the best form of government that ever was made, See letter to Mr. Daveis, ante, p. 195. he saw often disregarded, heard often spoken of as if it were effete. After a visit in Maine he wrote to Mr. R. H. Gardiner, in September, 1861: I recollect that the acute lawyer who was at your house one evening with the mayor of your city Gardiner, Maine. did not hesitate to say that we have no longer any Constitution, and that very little of it had been in existence for some years. I could not gainsay him. The Union, to him a reality such as it could only be to those who had loved the country while it was small, and had seen it grow and flourish, was threatened and misrepresented by men who, he felt, were misguided and despeate. A generation had grown up, under his observation (though at the South, where he had scarcely been, and
Mexico (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
respecting one or another of the portions of the world's affairs to which he devoted himself. Neither Gillies, nor Clavier, nor Mitford, nor Ottfried Muller could finally settle the History of Greece, though the materials for it had been ripening a thousand years in the minds of statesmen and scholars; and I dare say that Grote has not done it, though he has stood on the shoulders of all of them. The same thing may happen about the times of Ferdinand and Isabella, and about the Conquest of Mexico. I see no signs of it at present, and I do not really think it will ever happen. But if it should, those books of Prescott's will no more be forgotten, or neglected, than Herodotus, or Thucydides, or Plutarch, or Mitford, or Grote. Nobody can hereafter touch the subjects to which they are devoted without referring to them, and doing it with respect and admiration. But the man himself is in many important senses separate from all this. I knew him well, and I claim my portrait of him to
Dunkirk (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
make a clean breast of it. Except Everett, all the persons hereabout in whose judgment I place confidence believed from the first that we had no case. I was fully of that mind. . . . . As to the complaint about our closing up harbors, we are not very anxious. It is a harsh measure, but there are precedents enough for it,—more than there ought to be. But two will fully sustain the mere right. By the treaty of Utrecht you stipulated not only for the destruction of the fortifications of Dunkirk, but for filling up the port; and in 1777 (I think it was that year) you destroyed the entrance to Savannah, so that appropriations were made, not many years ago, by our Congress, to remove the obstructions, although the river, there, has cut for itself a new channel. I do not think that we have closed any but the minor and more shallow channels to any harbor, leaving the more important to be watched by the blockade. . . . . However, if England and France want a pretext for interfering wi
Savannah (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
believed from the first that we had no case. I was fully of that mind. . . . . As to the complaint about our closing up harbors, we are not very anxious. It is a harsh measure, but there are precedents enough for it,—more than there ought to be. But two will fully sustain the mere right. By the treaty of Utrecht you stipulated not only for the destruction of the fortifications of Dunkirk, but for filling up the port; and in 1777 (I think it was that year) you destroyed the entrance to Savannah, so that appropriations were made, not many years ago, by our Congress, to remove the obstructions, although the river, there, has cut for itself a new channel. I do not think that we have closed any but the minor and more shallow channels to any harbor, leaving the more important to be watched by the blockade. . . . . However, if England and France want a pretext for interfering with us, perhaps this will do as well as any other. No doubt the Times, at least, will be satisfied with it .
France (France) (search for this): chapter 22
s more will follow. Both sides in such cases fight for their opinions, and I had hoped that the day had gone by, even in France since 1848, when the prevailing party would resort to executions for treason, after they should have established their ow. . . . . Our prosperity has entered largely into the prosperity of the world, and especially into that of England and France. You feel it to have been so. And some persons have been unwise enough to think that your interference in our domestic qtempting to stop this cruel and wicked war. It is, I conceive, a great mistake. I have believed, since last August, that France was urging your government to some sort of intervention, —to break the blockade or to enforce a peace,—but the general opshallow channels to any harbor, leaving the more important to be watched by the blockade. . . . . However, if England and France want a pretext for interfering with us, perhaps this will do as well as any other. No doubt the Times, at least, will be
York (Canada) (search for this): chapter 22
knor. Thenceforward he gave himself to his work of love with a sad pleasure. During the following summer, when he carried out his long-cherished wish to pass several weeks at Niagara, he was busy there, and while visiting Sir Edmund Head at Toronto, writing about his friend. The following letter contains an allusion to this:— Boston, October 1, 1859. dear Lady Lyell,—I came home some days ago and found your precious packet. Lady Lyell's reminiscences of Mr. Prescott. Yestericulty is to collect the materials. In this, his English friends have been more prompt than his American ones. But I cannot speak of this, or hardly of anything else, without recollecting the Heads. I worked on Prescott's Life when I was at Toronto; but how changed is everything there now! What sorrow! what sorrow! Sir Edmund Head lost his only son by drowning at this time. . . . . We only know thus far what the telegraph has told us. . . . . But we shall have letters in a day or two.
Braintree (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
ing was seething and surging. He welcomed officers returning on furlough, or passing through Boston, at his house and table, getting from each whatever of news or indications of popular feeling might come from the front. He went frequently to Braintree to see his old friend General Thayer, whose opinion on military affairs was acknowledged during the war by General Scott, in conversation, to be the highest authority in the United States, and these visits were returned by the old General, mostovements of the armies on both sides, and was able to form clear judgments of the merits of military men who were often misjudged by the public. Mr. Ticknor repeatedly took regular officers of high standing on pilgrimages to the old chief at Braintree,—General Robert Anderson, General Donaldson, and others. In the summer of 1862 he met General Scott at West Point, being accidentally with him at the moment he was informed that President Lincoln was on his way to consult him; and when General
Trajectum (Netherlands) (search for this): chapter 22
f I stop without saying anything about the Trent affair, and so I may as well make a clean breast of it. Except Everett, all the persons hereabout in whose judgment I place confidence believed from the first that we had no case. I was fully of that mind. . . . . As to the complaint about our closing up harbors, we are not very anxious. It is a harsh measure, but there are precedents enough for it,—more than there ought to be. But two will fully sustain the mere right. By the treaty of Utrecht you stipulated not only for the destruction of the fortifications of Dunkirk, but for filling up the port; and in 1777 (I think it was that year) you destroyed the entrance to Savannah, so that appropriations were made, not many years ago, by our Congress, to remove the obstructions, although the river, there, has cut for itself a new channel. I do not think that we have closed any but the minor and more shallow channels to any harbor, leaving the more important to be watched by the block
Niagara County (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
Dr. Bigelow, who is in deeper than I am, is safe, and he and Agassiz will be held responsible for any mistakes I may make. At least, I intend they shall be. . . . . Anna writes, as usual, so that nothing remains for me but to give you my love, which you are always sure of, as well as that of all mine. Geo. Ticknor. Thenceforward he gave himself to his work of love with a sad pleasure. During the following summer, when he carried out his long-cherished wish to pass several weeks at Niagara, he was busy there, and while visiting Sir Edmund Head at Toronto, writing about his friend. The following letter contains an allusion to this:— Boston, October 1, 1859. dear Lady Lyell,—I came home some days ago and found your precious packet. Lady Lyell's reminiscences of Mr. Prescott. Yesterday and to-day I have read it through,— the whole of it,—but not with tare, as I shall read it hereafter. It was too interesting for that. With many passages I was much touched, as
Newport (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 22
great, however the proud spirit may bear up against it, and they must yield, unless, what is all but incredible, they should speedily gain great military success . . . . At the North the state of things is very different. There is no perceptible increase of poverty . . . . Nor is anybody disheartened. If you were here you would see little change in our modes of life, except that we are all busy and in earnest about the war. September 7, 1862, he wrote to his eldest daughter, then at Newport: I was very glad to see your name on the printed paper you sent yesterday. Give what money you think best, to the ladies with whom you are associated, and look to me to make it good. I was never so much in earnest about the war as I have been for the last week, when the very atmosphere has been full of the spirit of change and trouble. . . . . This, however, is not to last. The government must either impose taxes heavy enough to sustain its credit, as it ought to have done long ago, and
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