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Von Holst (search for this): chapter 6
free and Christian people, by commanding all good citizens to aid and assist in its prompt and efficient execution. Von Holst says (vol. III. pp. 554, 555): The law was so hideous that it called forth from the friends of freedom a cry of indignf its becoming an institution of new States. The territorial legislature of New Mexico in 1859 established slavery. Von Holst, vol. III. p. 500, note. Not content with assumptions and with votes against the prohibition, He voted, June 5, 185ps to New Mexico. Webster's Works, vol. II. pp. 557, 562, 571, 572; Private Correspondence, vol. II. pp. 386, 387; Von Holst, vol. III. pp. 535-541; Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp. 315, 326. His method of dealing with armed rebellion , 335, 337. Webster's Private Correspondence. vol. II. pp. 366, 370, 388, 390, 391; Webster's Works, vol. VI. p. 547. Von Holst, vol. III. p. 505. The paper drawn by Eliot and signed by Boston merchants in support of the Compromise before it was
Henry Wilson (search for this): chapter 6
mmon epithet of Abolitionists, two separate classes,—the small number of sectaries, largely non-voters, who disowned the limitations of the Constitution, and the considerable political party which accepted its obligations; and this while speaking in presence of two senators then representing that party, Hale and Chase,—the latter second only to himself as a lawyer and statesman, and destined to the highest judicial office in the nation. In the Emancipator and Republican, June 27, 1850, Henry Wilson gave a full account of interviews with Webster from 1845 to 1848, in which he showed a favorable disposition towards the antislavery or Free Soil movement. The love of liberty traditional with the people of the State, and often lauded by himself, he now derided as fanaticism,— a local prejudice which it was the duty of good citizens to conquer. Webster's Works, vol. v. p. 432; Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 438. The writer was present when Webster spoke from a carriage in <
H. S. Foote (search for this): chapter 6
eyond the question of the territories, and comprehended all the relations of slavery to the nation. It was marked by profound interest on both sides, and watched with deep anxiety by the country. Toombs, Stephens, Clingman, Jefferson Davis, and Foote read elaborate speeches at the beginning of the session, and, supported by the bolder spirits of the South, declared themselves ready for disunion in the event of legislation by Congress prohibiting slavery in the territories, or even of the admiy who is not known to be opposed to the disturbance of the settlement aforesaid, and to the renewal in any form of agitation upon the subject of slavery. Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp 348, 349. Among the signers were Howell Cobb, H. S. Foote, A. H. Stephens, R. Toombs, and J. B. Thompson. The only Whig member from New England who signed this paper was Samuel A. Eliot, of Boston. Mr. Appleton, his successor, alone of the Massachusetts delegation, voted that the Compromise, includ
Horace Mann (search for this): chapter 6
rote Sumner, July 5, 1850, that General Taylor had been growing more and more Northern in sentiment, and had become a most formidable obstacle to a compromise. Horace Mann took the same view of Taylor. （Mann's Life, pp. 305, 307, 322.) But in the end the General's negative policy would have fallen between the positive forces arraMann's Life, pp. 305, 307, 322.) But in the end the General's negative policy would have fallen between the positive forces arrayed against each other. See Boston Republican, June 27, 1850. California being entitled by all precedents to admission without an offset, Clay's Compromise measures, except the one last named, were all in the interest of slavery. They were (1) the Texas boundary bill, granting that State ten millions of dollars for territory whid by Webster and other supporters of the Compromise that a revision of the tariff in their interest could be obtained only by concession to Southern demands. Horace Mann's Life, pp. 331, 332, 335, 337. Webster's Private Correspondence. vol. II. pp. 366, 370, 388, 390, 391; Webster's Works, vol. VI. p. 547. Von Holst, vol. III
Henry Clay (search for this): chapter 6
resolute and defiant attitude of the South and the weakening resistance of the North opened to Henry Clay, now again a senator, the opportunity to appear for another and third time in his career as a lican, June 27, 1850. California being entitled by all precedents to admission without an offset, Clay's Compromise measures, except the one last named, were all in the interest of slavery. They wered us to think that he would take any high moral ground on this slavery question? He was not, like Clay, the natural supporter of compromise. he wrote July 21, 1848: You need not fear that I shall vrs suggest that a disposition to obstruct President Taylor had something to do with the course of Clay as well as of Webster. (J. S. Pike, in Courier, April 10, 1850.) The judgment of history is not ls and a further extension, even by the breach of an old compact. Happily for the two architects, Clay and Webster, they were not then living to see how vain had been their promises of peace and conc
Alexander H. Stephens (search for this): chapter 6
bed a compact pledging themselves to maintain the settlement effected by these measures, and not to support as candidates for President and Vice-President, or for members of Congress or of any State legislature, any man of whatever party who is not known to be opposed to the disturbance of the settlement aforesaid, and to the renewal in any form of agitation upon the subject of slavery. Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp 348, 349. Among the signers were Howell Cobb, H. S. Foote, A. H. Stephens, R. Toombs, and J. B. Thompson. The only Whig member from New England who signed this paper was Samuel A. Eliot, of Boston. Mr. Appleton, his successor, alone of the Massachusetts delegation, voted that the Compromise, including the Fugitive Slave law, was a final and permanent settlement. April 5, 1852. The speech of Daniel Webster in the Senate, March 7, 1850, in favor of the Compromise measures, was a surprise to the people of Massachusetts. It was in conflict with the princ
William Minot (search for this): chapter 6
h C. F. Adams as chairman, and R. H. Dana, Jr., as mover of resolutions, to denounce the obnoxious law and express sympathy with the negroes against whose liberty it was aimed; but only Free Soilers and Abolitionists took part in it. The venerable Josiah Quincy addressed a letter to the meeting, expressing sympathy with its purpose. Sumner was appointed one of the legal committee for the protection of alleged fugitives. On the committee also were S. E Sewall, Dana, John C. Park, and William Minot. They called C. G. Loring to their aid. About the same time, a slave claimant from Virginia sought to secure William and Ellen Crafts, who had recently escaped, and on arriving in Boston had found wise and brave protectors in Theodore Parker, Dr. Henry I. Bowditch, Ellis Gray Loring, and Mrs. George S. Hillard. They were skilfully secreted and sent to England. The next February (1851), when the case of Shadrach was pending before G. T. Curtis, a commissioner, a body of colored men fo
S. E. Sewall (search for this): chapter 6
, expressing sympathy with its purpose. Sumner was appointed one of the legal committee for the protection of alleged fugitives. On the committee also were S. E Sewall, Dana, John C. Park, and William Minot. They called C. G. Loring to their aid. About the same time, a slave claimant from Virginia sought to secure William and Eg on account of the pending election for senator, in which he was the candidate. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. pp 183, 188, 189, 190. In association with Mr. Sewall he applied, without success, to Judge Sprague, of the United States District Court, for the writ of habeas corpus. Judge Woodbury, however, granted it, and satAct; and it was presented to a committee of the Legislature. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. p. 184. The judge was unfriendly and brusque,—breaking out, when Sewall in a quiet way habitual with him made the point that slavery did not exist in Massachusetts, with the exclamation, accompanied by an emphatic gesture, Yes, but th
Salmon P. Chase (search for this): chapter 6
er of sectaries, largely non-voters, who disowned the limitations of the Constitution, and the considerable political party which accepted its obligations; and this while speaking in presence of two senators then representing that party, Hale and Chase,—the latter second only to himself as a lawyer and statesman, and destined to the highest judicial office in the nation. In the Emancipator and Republican, June 27, 1850, Henry Wilson gave a full account of interviews with Webster from 1845 topower in the direction of his Seventh of March speech. That speech carried the Compromise measures, but it made also a political revolution in Massachusetts. If Webster had spoken as he had hitherto always spoken, if he had spoken as Seward and Chase spoke later in the same month, he would have remained in the Senate; or if he had by choice passed from it, he would have been succeeded by Winthrop. That speech, and what he said and did afterwards in the same line, called Sumner, a few months
Millard Fillmore (search for this): chapter 6
nd September in the shape of separate bills. Their success was promoted by the co-operation of Fillmore, who became President on the death of Taylor, July 9. The latter had been an obstruction, as door of the court room, and the negro, being taken from the officers, escaped to Canada. President Fillmore at once issued a proclamation, directing the army and navy to co-operate in enforcing the is friends his satisfaction that the government had passed into safer hands, into those of President Fillmore, who would give to the Compromise policy that thorough support which his predecessor had n II. p. 464, note. His personal feelings carried him so far, that, as Secretary of State under Fillmore, he withdrew the patronage of his department—the publication of the laws of Congress—from Whig use of his change of course. Von Hoist, vol. IV. p. 140. He was called to the Cabinet of President Fillmore in July, and continued till his death, in 1852, to use his personal influence and official
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