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Howell Cobb (search for this): chapter 6
from slave States— subscribed a compact pledging themselves to maintain the settlement effected by these measures, and not to support as candidates for President and Vice-President, or for members of Congress or of any State legislature, any man of whatever party who is not known to be opposed to the disturbance of the settlement aforesaid, and to the renewal in any form of agitation upon the subject of slavery. Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp 348, 349. Among the signers were Howell Cobb, H. S. Foote, A. H. Stephens, R. Toombs, and J. B. Thompson. The only Whig member from New England who signed this paper was Samuel A. Eliot, of Boston. Mr. Appleton, his successor, alone of the Massachusetts delegation, voted that the Compromise, including the Fugitive Slave law, was a final and permanent settlement. April 5, 1852. The speech of Daniel Webster in the Senate, March 7, 1850, in favor of the Compromise measures, was a surprise to the people of Massachusetts. It wa
Charles Francis Adams (search for this): chapter 6
negroes with little opposition or excitement, but in others encountering a resolute contest in the courts, or forcible resistance carried sometimes to a fatal result. In Syracuse, N. Y., where the population was altogether in sympathy with the negroes, a rescue planned by prominent citizens was effected. The partisans of compromise set their hearts on a triumph in Boston, the seat of antislavery agitation. A month after Congress had adjourned, a meeting was held in Faneuil Hall, with C. F. Adams as chairman, and R. H. Dana, Jr., as mover of resolutions, to denounce the obnoxious law and express sympathy with the negroes against whose liberty it was aimed; but only Free Soilers and Abolitionists took part in it. The venerable Josiah Quincy addressed a letter to the meeting, expressing sympathy with its purpose. Sumner was appointed one of the legal committee for the protection of alleged fugitives. On the committee also were S. E Sewall, Dana, John C. Park, and William Minot.
William H. Seward (search for this): chapter 6
of New Mexico in 1859 established slavery. Von Holst, vol. III. p. 500, note. Not content with assumptions and with votes against the prohibition, He voted, June 5, 1850, against applying the prohibition to Utah and New Mexico, when moved by Seward. Webster's Works, vol. v. pp. 382, 383. he undertook to belittle it by arts of speech, by offensive and disparaging epithets. In his first public statement of his new position, and in later speeches and appeals to the public, he made light of d official power in the direction of his Seventh of March speech. That speech carried the Compromise measures, but it made also a political revolution in Massachusetts. If Webster had spoken as he had hitherto always spoken, if he had spoken as Seward and Chase spoke later in the same month, he would have remained in the Senate; or if he had by choice passed from it, he would have been succeeded by Winthrop. That speech, and what he said and did afterwards in the same line, called Sumner, a
Benjamin F. Butler (search for this): chapter 6
423, 436; vol. II. pp. 547, 562; Webster's Private Correspondence, vol. II. p. 370—; Curtis's, Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 438. In this new direction he did not stop with the territorial question, but joined the Southern party on another measure, hitherto a subordinate subject among their grievances, and volunteered his support of Mason's fugitive-slave bill, with all its provisions, to the fullest extent. As the speech was first published, he pledged himself to support the bill with Butler's amendment; but in a revision the relative pronoun which was transferred so that he appeared to pledge himself to support it only as amended by himself. The transfer of the relative pronoun led to a controversy in the newspapers,——--Boston Courier, May 6, 1850 Advertiser, May 7; Atlas, May 8 and 9; Moses Stuart's Conscience and the Constitution, p. 67. He intimated his purpose to offer some amendments which would qualify its harshness, and later proposed one securing to the alleged fugitiv<
Benjamin R. Curtis (search for this): chapter 6
orable disposition towards the antislavery or Free Soil movement. The love of liberty traditional with the people of the State, and often lauded by himself, he now derided as fanaticism,— a local prejudice which it was the duty of good citizens to conquer. Webster's Works, vol. v. p. 432; Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 438. The writer was present when Webster spoke from a carriage in front of the Revere House on the afternoon of April 29, 1850. Choate was by his side, and B. R. Curtis addressed him from a temporary platform. His face was never darker and sterner than when he said interrogatively, Massachusetts must conquer her prejudices. Instead of treating, as one with his view of the Constitution might have done, the restoration of fugitive slaves—involving the separation of families, life-long bondage and cruelty—as a painful duty to be performed with the utmost care and tenderness, he set aside the moral and humane aspects of a question which in other days had pr<
John E. Lodge (search for this): chapter 6
48: You need not fear that I shall vote for any compromises, or do anything inconsistent with the past. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 342. He had repeatedly affirmed his convictions against the extension of slavery and the increase of slave representation in Congress; had asserted for himself precedence of others in the support of the principle of the Wilmot Proviso, and had even voted for its application to the territories acquired from Mexico, whose fate was again in question. Lodge's Life of Webster, pp. 292, 321; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. II. p. 241; G. T. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 307, note. He now announced that he should vote against the insertion of the prohibition in any bill or resolution providing a government for those territories. He defended this change of position by maintaining that Nature and physical geography had excluded slavery from them as much as from Mars Hill or the side of the White Mountains; that the charact
George T. Curtis (search for this): chapter 6
und wise and brave protectors in Theodore Parker, Dr. Henry I. Bowditch, Ellis Gray Loring, and Mrs. George S. Hillard. They were skilfully secreted and sent to England. The next February (1851), when the case of Shadrach was pending before G. T. Curtis, a commissioner, a body of colored men forced the door of the court room, and the negro, being taken from the officers, escaped to Canada. President Fillmore at once issued a proclamation, directing the army and navy to co-operate in enforcinple of the Wilmot Proviso, and had even voted for its application to the territories acquired from Mexico, whose fate was again in question. Lodge's Life of Webster, pp. 292, 321; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. II. p. 241; G. T. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 307, note. He now announced that he should vote against the insertion of the prohibition in any bill or resolution providing a government for those territories. He defended this change of position by maintainin
Ellis Gray Loring (search for this): chapter 6
to the meeting, expressing sympathy with its purpose. Sumner was appointed one of the legal committee for the protection of alleged fugitives. On the committee also were S. E Sewall, Dana, John C. Park, and William Minot. They called C. G. Loring to their aid. About the same time, a slave claimant from Virginia sought to secure William and Ellen Crafts, who had recently escaped, and on arriving in Boston had found wise and brave protectors in Theodore Parker, Dr. Henry I. Bowditch, Ellis Gray Loring, and Mrs. George S. Hillard. They were skilfully secreted and sent to England. The next February (1851), when the case of Shadrach was pending before G. T. Curtis, a commissioner, a body of colored men forced the door of the court room, and the negro, being taken from the officers, escaped to Canada. President Fillmore at once issued a proclamation, directing the army and navy to co-operate in enforcing the law. Then followed the trials of persons accused of assisting the rescue, w
James S. Pike (search for this): chapter 6
h supported them. Boston Courier, April 5, 1851. Atlas, April 4. The motives of Mr. Webster, whether those of personal ambition of patriotism, or however these may have been combined, need not be considered in a statement which is intended, so far as it concerns him, only to illustrate the state of affairs in Massachusetts at this time. Contemporary writers suggest that a disposition to obstruct President Taylor had something to do with the course of Clay as well as of Webster. (J. S. Pike, in Courier, April 10, 1850.) The judgment of history is not likely to relieve Webster of the imputation that a desire to become President was a leading cause of his change of course. Von Hoist, vol. IV. p. 140. He was called to the Cabinet of President Fillmore in July, and continued till his death, in 1852, to use his personal influence and official power in the direction of his Seventh of March speech. That speech carried the Compromise measures, but it made also a political revoluti
John C. Park (search for this): chapter 6
n Faneuil Hall, with C. F. Adams as chairman, and R. H. Dana, Jr., as mover of resolutions, to denounce the obnoxious law and express sympathy with the negroes against whose liberty it was aimed; but only Free Soilers and Abolitionists took part in it. The venerable Josiah Quincy addressed a letter to the meeting, expressing sympathy with its purpose. Sumner was appointed one of the legal committee for the protection of alleged fugitives. On the committee also were S. E Sewall, Dana, John C. Park, and William Minot. They called C. G. Loring to their aid. About the same time, a slave claimant from Virginia sought to secure William and Ellen Crafts, who had recently escaped, and on arriving in Boston had found wise and brave protectors in Theodore Parker, Dr. Henry I. Bowditch, Ellis Gray Loring, and Mrs. George S. Hillard. They were skilfully secreted and sent to England. The next February (1851), when the case of Shadrach was pending before G. T. Curtis, a commissioner, a body
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