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Abner Phelps (search for this): chapter 9
vement, and, in the Liberator of the Lib. 1.201. following day, called for the names of those who were ready to join it. On Sunday evening, the first of January, 1832, the draft of the constitution was reported to a meeting containing some new faces; among them, Alonzo Lewis, William Joseph Snelling, Dr. Gamaliel Bradford, Dr. Bradford was a graduate of Harvard College (1814), and from 1833 to the close of his life in 1839 was Superintendent of the Massachusetts General Hospital. Dr. Abner Phelps, and the Rev. Abijah Blanchard, editor of an anti-masonic religious paper, who opened the meeting with prayer. The body of the constitution was adopted, with a few unimportant alterations and additions, as the records read, but also with one highly significant of the conservative influences against which Mr. Garrison had had to contend in committee: Voted, that Philo-African be struck out [of the first article, denoting the Society's title], and New-England Anti-slavery be substituted.
as promptly riddled by the reviewers For example, in the African Respository for November, 1832, the Methodist Magazine and Quarterly Review for January, 1833, and the Quarterly Christian Spectator for March, 1833. The two latter articles were also published separately; the last—written by the Rev. Leonard Bacon—by A. H. Maltby, New Haven. (See |Lib.|| 3.27, 39, 43, 201.) Your Thoughts on Colonization have arrived, writes S. S. Jocelyn to Mr. Garrison, July 12. Bacon is reading one. Prof. Silliman had read Mr. Tappan's previous to his delivering his colonization address on the 4th. I handed him everything which I thought would moderate his zeal in that cause (Ms.) and by the agents and supporters of the Society in their addresses, this pamphlet marks the first success in the agitation which ended in the abolition of slavery by civil war. I look upon the overthrow of the Colonization Society as the overthrow of slavery itself—they both stand or fall together. So wrote Mr. Garri<
which binds her to the Union, and the scenes of St. Domingo would be witnessed throughout her borders. She may affect to laugh at this prophecy; but she knows that her security lies in Northern bayonets. What madness in the South to look for greater safety in disunion! It would be worse than jumping out of the frying-pan into the fire. It would be jumping into the fire from a fear of the frying-pan [i.e., Northern meddling with slavery] (Ex-President Madison to Henry Clay, June, 1833, in Colton's Private Correspondence of Clay, p. 365). Nay, she has repeatedly taunted the free States with being pledged to protect her. . . . How, then, do we make the inquiry, with affected astonishment, What have we to do with the guilt of slavery? This inquiry rested much less heavily with Mr. Garrison's townsmen, especially the respectable and then ruling portion, than this other: How shall we justify ourselves to our Southern brethren for tolerating the Liberator? Accordingly, at the opening
Elliott Cresson (search for this): chapter 9
review of it appeared in the British Eclectic Review, the organ of the Nonconformists, for Feb., 1833, p. 138. The work was eagerly greeted by the English philanthropists who had already begun to unmask and to thwart the Colonization agent, Elliott Cresson. It furnished the basis of Charles Stuart's Prejudice Vincible (Liverpool: printed by Egerton Smith & Co., 1832), reprinted with other matter in a pamphlet published by Garrison & Knapp in 1833, called British Opinions of the American Colonand blasphemous sentiments as regards slavery than this individual. Citations follow. Clarkson, now almost blind, was reported to have listened with Lib. 2.23. enthusiastic delight to the details of the Society's operations as related by Elliott Cresson, its Quaker travelling agent in England. In April, a memorial purporting to come from its British membership, and supported and forwarded by the same Cresson, asking national aid for the Society, was presented in the House of Lib. 2.59;
se, and had dreams of liberally endowing the cause from his profits (Ms. Mar. 27, 1835, Henry E. to Geo. W. Benson). President, Joshua Coffin, Secretary, and W. L. Garrison, Corresponding Secretary), and an expository Address from the pen of the Rev. Moses Lib. 2.43. Thacher, one of the Counsellors. The second article of the Constitution was as follows: The objects of the Society shall be to endeavor, by all means sanctioned by law, humanity and religion, to effect the abolition of slavligent, clear-headed, and industrious population, whom it is not easy to mislead by any political impostures, and who are fully aware that the protection of American industry is the life-blood of the nation. In Providence he renewed his visit to Moses Lib. 2.162. Brown, enjoyed the companionship of Henry Benson, and made several addresses to the colored people, whom he helped form a temperance society. In Portland, which he reached by boat from Boston, he was the guest of Nathan Winslow,
S. J. May (search for this): chapter 9
indebtedness for his views of the institution. Like Rankin, Osborn, and other early emancipationists, Bourne had seen slavery face to face (in Virginia). For tributes to his zeal and courage from Garrison and Lundy, see Lib. 2.35, 43, 133; 3.182. Perhaps no sight was more gratifying to him than that of a minister of the gospel appealing to the Book against African bondage. For this he could overlook theological differences as great as those which separated him from his Unitarian friend Mr. May, and which are measured by Lib. 2.67. his eulogy of a Dissertation on the Subject of Future Punishment, by Oliver Johnson, Editor of the Christian Soldier Lib. 2.40.—a logical, persuasive and solemn treatise, clearly establishing the desperate folly and absurd philosophy of the doctrine of universal salvation. Besides his formal discourses to the free people of color, Mr. Garrison addressed to them, on the eve of their Philadelphia National Convention, an editorial article counsel
David Lee Child (search for this): chapter 9
meeting was held at the same place, with ten present, Namely, according to the records, David Lee Child, Ellis Gray Loring, Isaac Child, W. L. Garrison, Robert Bernard Hall, John Cutts Smith, Olinson, Isaac Knapp, Joshua Coffin, and Samuel E. Sewall. and, after considerable discussion, David Lee Child, Samuel E. Sewall, William Lloyd Garrison, Ellis Gray Loring, and Oliver Johnson were appoilavery. But the spirits of the little company rose superior to all external circumstances. Mr. Child presided, and the preamble, as drawn by Mr. Snelling, was read as follows: We, the undersiwas again the cause of much earnest discussion without unanimity Lib. 5.3. being reached; Messrs. Child, Loring and Sewall withholding their signatures from the perfected instrument. Their scrue annual meeting in January, 1833, to succeed Mr. Garrison as Corresponding Secretary, while Messrs. Child and Loring were elected Counsellors. Mr. Sewall, however, only became a life member (by the
Edward Everett (search for this): chapter 9
ar opened (amid the gratifying enactment of panic legislation in both sections concerning the colored population, bond and free) with its annual meeting in Washington, at which letters were read from Marshall and Madison, and speeches made by Edward Everett— the same benevolent gentleman who, a few years since, Lib. 2.15; 6.175; ante, p. 64. declared on the floor of Congress that, in the event of a negro rebellion at the South, he would promptly put on his knapsack and shoulder his musket to the slaves down; and by the Rev. Leonard Bacon, of New Haven, whose theme was the strictly benevolent character of the Society, and who had already elsewhere publicly pledged the Vermont and Connecticut militia to the same noble mission which Mr. Everett assumed for himself. Mr. Bacon alluded pointedly to Mr. Garrison as one of those men whom nature has endowed with such talents as equip a demagogue, and with whom it seems an object worth ambition to lead the free people of color, and to re
Simon Greenleaf (search for this): chapter 9
ed himself also in favor of your views. This is getting the two first men in the State for talents and influence in benevolent effort. I have no doubt they will head the list of those who will subscribe to form here an anti-slavery society. Mr. Greenleaf, also, will cordially come in, and I need not say he is one of the first [men] in the State, for his character is known. The reference here is to the Hon. Stephen Longfellow, father of the poet, who had been a delegate to the Hartford Convention, and a Representative from Maine in the 18th Congress (1823-25); and to Simon Greenleaf, the eminent jurist, shortly to be law professor at the Harvard School, and eventually the successor of Story. The practical use of the Thoughts was as an arsenal of facts for the public speakers engaged in exposing the pretensions of the Colonization Society. This task had been the immediate concern of the New-England Anti-Slavery Society, both in its regular and special meetings, and through its
kson, now almost blind, was reported to have listened with Lib. 2.23. enthusiastic delight to the details of the Society's operations as related by Elliott Cresson, its Quaker travelling agent in England. In April, a memorial purporting to come from its British membership, and supported and forwarded by the same Cresson, asking national aid for the Society, was presented in the House of Lib. 2.59; Niles Register, 42.97, 98. Representatives; but in this the Society overreached itself. Polk, of Tennessee, denounced it as the first foreign effort to Lib. 2.61. intermeddle with the subject of slavery in Congress, and as an act of impertinence; and its reading was opposed by all the Southern members except General Blair, of South Carolina, who professed entire indifference. A disposition to tamper with the slave question had been manifested, and he cared not how soon gentlemen played the game out. . . . He could tell gentlemen that when they moved that question seriously, they
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