1. ... 1 and therefore was much endeared to the youth desirous of plundering.

[7] When the consul held a council on the subject of a war with Istria, some were of opinion that it ought to be begun immediately, before the enemy could collect forces; others, that the senate ought first to be consulted; the opinion was adopted which opposed delay. Accordingly the consul, marching from Aquileia, pitched his camp at the lake Timavus, which lies very near the sea. Thither came Caius Furius, one of the naval commanders, with ten ships; for two naval commanders had been appointed against the fleet of the Illyrians, and these commanders, with twenty ships for the protection of the coast of the Hadriatic, were to make Ancona, as it were, the pivot of their position; so that Lucius Cornelius had to guard the coasts on the right, extending from the latter place to Tarentum; and Caius Furius those on the left, as far as Aquileia. This squadron was sent to the nearest port in the Istrian territory, with a number of transports and a large store of provisions; while the consul, following with the [p. 1921]legions, encamped at the distance of about five miles from the [8??] coast. A plentiful market was soon established at the port, and every thing conveyed thence to the camp. That this might be done with greater safety, out-posts were fixed around the camp; a newly-levied cohort of Placentines was posted between the camp and the sea, as a picket in the direction of Istria; and that the watering-parties might likewise have protection at the river, orders were given to Marcus Aebutius, military tribune, to take thither two companies of the second legion. Titus and Caius Aelius, military tribunes, led out the third legion on the road towards Aquileia, in support of those that went for food and forage. In the same quarter, nearly a mile distant, was the camp of the Gauls: Catmelus acted as their chieftain, and they were not more than three thousand armed men.

1 Supplement from Crevier: The Roman people had now carried their victorious arms over all parts of the world, and far and wide had pene- trated countries at a vast distance, and separated by several seas. Nevertheless, in such a tide of success flowing according to their wishes, having obtained a high character for modera- [p. 1916]tion, they were more powerful by their influence than by their military sway; and they boasted frequently that they carried more measures with foreign nations by policy, than by violence and terror. Never insulting conquered nations and kings, generous to their allies, seeking for themselves the honour of victory only, to kings they had preserved their rank, to nations their laws, rights, and liberty, whether in a treaty formed with an equal or with an inferior; and although they had so encompassed, by their arms, both coasts of the Mediter- ranean, from Cadiz even as far as Syria, and had gained respect for the Roman name through immense tracts of terri- tory, yet the only subjects they had, were the nations of Sicily, and the islands on the coast of Italy, and the tribes of the greater part of Spain, which had not yet learned to bear their yoke with resignation. It was the ill-timed treachery of their enemies and rivals, rather than their own ambition, that afforded them cause and material for the increase of their sway. As a special instance: the cruelty of Perseus, who obtained the kingdom of Macedon by treachery and crime, displayed towards his subjects, detested by all, his frantic avarice in the midst of boundless wealth, his inconsiderate levity in the adoption and prosecution of his plans, both destroyed him, and whatever could remain independent, as long as he existed, the principal restraint on the Roman power; for his fall recoiled upon others, and brought with it not only the downfal of his neighbours, but also that of those who were far removed from him. The fall of Carthage and of the Achaeans followed the ruin of the Macedonians: and when the state of all was convulsed by their disasters, the rest of the empires, already tottering for some time, were overthrown shortly after, and all fell beneath the Roman sway. It was my intention to lay here before the reader at a glance these events, so intimately connected in interest, though occurring at different times and places, whilst he contemplated the war impending over the Romans from Perseus, from which especi- ally the Roman power drew the sources of its growth. Perseus was then concocting that war in secret; the Ligurians and Gauls provoked rather than employed the Roman arms.

[2] Gaul and the Ligurians were the provinces assigned to the consuls, Marcus Junius Brutus, Aulus Manlius Vulso: Gaul was assigned to Manlius, Liguria to Junius. As to the praetors, [p. 1917]the city jurisdiction fell to Marcus Titinius Curvus; the foreign, to Tiberius Claudius Nero; Sicily, to Publius Aelius Ligus; Sardinia, to Titus Aebutius; Hither Spain, to the other Marcus Titinius, for there were two of that name praetors in that year; and the Farther Spain, to Titus Fonteius Capito. A fire broke out in the forum, by which very many buildings were burnt to the ground, and the temple of Venus was entirely consumed. The sacred fire of Vesta was extinguished: the virgin who had the care of it was punished with stripes, by order of Marcus Aemilius, the chief pontiff, and supplication was performed, as usual in such cases. In this year the lustrum was closed by Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, censors, in which were rated two hundred and seventy-three thousand two hundred and forty-four citizens. The ambassadors of Perseus arrived, requiring that he should be saluted by the senate as hang, ally, and friend, and that the treaty should be renewed with him which had existed with his father Philip. Perseus was an object of hatred and suspicion to the Romans, and most of them had no [3??] doubt, that as soon as an opportunity was presented, and his strength appeared to him adequate to the struggle, he would wage against the Romans the war, pre- pared in secret by Philip, for so many years. However, that they might not appear to have provoked him when quiet and desirous of peace, and to have themselves furnished him with a cause for war, they conceded to him his demands. Perseus, when this answer was received, supposing that the kingdom was secured to him, began to acquire influence among the Greeks. Being desirous therefore of procuring their friend- ship, he recalled into Macedon all, without exception, who had gone into exile, when condemned for debt or by any judicial proceeding, and those who had left Macedon for high treason, by edicts, openly announced in the island of Delos, and at Delphi, and at the temple of Minerva at Itone, in which he granted to those returning not only pardon, but also restora- tion of all their property, with the income, from that period in which each became an exile. He also remitted to those who were living in Macedon whatever was due to the royal ex- chequer; and released all those imprisoned for high treason. When by these acts he had encouraged the minds of many, he turned the attention of all Greece towards himself, and filled [p. 1918]it with great hope. And besides, in the entire deportment of the rest of his life, he preserved the dignity of a king; for his mien was noble, and his person well-fitted to discharge all the duties of war and peace; and his age, now matured, possessed a graceful majesty, beaming from brow and forehead. He had none of his father's wantonness, and licentious passions for women and wine. By these praise-worthy acts Perseus ren- dered the beginning of his reign agreeable, although it was des- tined to have a termination very different from its commencement.

Before those praetors who had obtained by lot the Spains could come to their provinces, great exploits were there per- formed by Postumius and Gracchus. But the praise of

[4] Gracchus was extraordinary, for he being in the prime of life, since he far surpassed all his coevals in courage and prudence, even then was lauded greatly by fame, and raised greater hope of himself with regard to the future. Twenty thousand Celtiberians were besieging Carabi, a city in alli- ance with the Romans. Gracchus hastened to bear aid to his allies. That anxiety tortured him, how he could signify his intention to the besieged, while the enemy pressed the city with so close a blockade, that it scarcely appeared possible that an enemy could reach it. The daring of Cominius executed the difficult task. He being prefect of a troop of horse, having pre- viously weighed over the matter with himself, and having inform- ed Gracchus of what he was preparing, dressed himself in a Spanish military cloak, and mixed with the enemy's foragers. Having entered the camp with them he galloped from it to the city, and announced the approach of Tiberius. The townsmen, being aroused by this intelligence from the depth of despair to cheerfulness and daring, and having determined to fight bravely to the last, were relieved from blockade on the third day, in con- sequence of the enemy having departed on the arrival of Grac- chus. He himself having been afterwards attached by a stra- tagem of the barbarians, by the union of skill and strength, so repelled the danger, that the artifice recoiled on its originators. There was a town, Complega by name, that had been built several years before, but strengthened by fortifications and increased by speedy additions, into which many of the Spani- ards had flocked, who previously straggled here and there in need of territory. About twenty thousand men coming forth from that city in the garb of suppliants, and holding forth [p. 1919]branches of olive, stood in view of the camp as [5??] if entreating peace. Immediately, having cast away the emblems of sup- pliants, and having suddenly attached the Romans, they fill every place with alarm and consternation. Gracchus, by a prudent counsel, deserted the camp under the pretence of flight: and whilst they were plundering it with the usual greediness of barbarians, and were encumbering themselves with the spoil, he suddenly returned, and attacking them when in no apprehensions of such an evil, slew the most of them, and even made himself master of their town. There are some who tell the story differently: that Gracchus, when he had dis- covered that the enemy were distressed from want of food, abandoned his camp, which was very well furnished with all articles of food; that the enemy, having taken possession of it, and having intemperately filled themselves with what they had found, and gorged themselves to repletion, were suddenly cut off by the return of the Roman army.

[6] But whether this is a different way of telling the same exploit, or quite a different affair and dfferent victory, it is certain that Gracchus completely conquered several tribes, and moreover the entire nation of the Celtiberians. I would not however have the hardihood to assert that he took and destroyed three hundred of their cities, although Polybius, a writer of the highest authority, makes mention of it; unless that under the name of cities we include towers and castles: by which description of falsehood both the generals in wars and the writers of histories take delight in setting off exploits. For Spain, with its dry and uncultivated soil, could not sup- port a large number of cities. The wild and uncivilized manners of the Spaniards, with the exception of those that dwell on our sea, are also at variance with the assertion, since the dispositions of men are accustomed to become more mild by the meeting with fellow-citizens which occurs in towns. But whatever we may determine concerning the number or description of the cities taken by Sempronius, (for writers vary also in the number, and some have related that one hundred and fifty towns were taken by him, others that one hundred and three was the number,) he certainly performed noble achievements; nor was he distinguished by the praises he received in war only; but he also proved himself unparal- leled in arranging and arbitrating peace and laws for the [p. 1920]conquered nations. For he distributed lands among the poor and assigned them habitations, and by giving and receiving an oath, secured to, all the tribes inhabiting that country, laws clearly defined, according to which they were to live in friend- ship and alliance with the Roman people. And posterity often appealed to the authority of this treaty in the wars which afterwards broke out. Gracchus appointed that the town which was hitherto called Illurcis, should be distinguished by his own name, and called Gracchuris, as a monument of his merit and actions. The report of the acts of Postumius is more involved in obscurity. However the Vaccaeans and .Lusitanians were conquered by him, and forty thousand of these nations were slain. These affairs being transacted, they both, when they had delivered up the armies and provinces to their successors on their arrival, went home to triumph. In Gaul, Manlius the consul, to whom that province had fallen, when material for a triumph was wanting, eagerly seized an opportunity presented by fortune, of waging war against the Istrians. They had aided the Aetolians on a former occasion when making war against the Romans, and lately too had given trouble. At that time Aepulo, a king of a violent dis- position, ruled them, who was said to have armed the nation trained to peace by his father, ...

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  • Commentary references to this page (14):
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 31-32, commentary, 31.28
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 31-32, commentary, 31.31
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 31-32, commentary, 31.46
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 39-40, commentary, 39.55
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 39-40, commentary, 40.18
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 39-40, commentary, 40.18
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 39-40, commentary, 40.26
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 43-44, commentary, 43.9
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 43-44, commentary, 44.17
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 43-44, commentary, 44.31
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 43-44, commentary, 44.4
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, books 43-44, commentary, 44.9
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, book 45, commentary, 45.39
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn, book 45, commentary, 45.9
  • Cross-references to this page (11):
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Index, Prodigia
    • Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Index, Romanae
    • The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, AQUILEIA Udine, Veneto, Italy.
    • A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (1890), DUO VIRI
    • A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (1890), EXE´RCITUS
    • A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (1890), LUDI
    • A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (1890), VIA´TICUM
    • Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854), ANCO´NA
    • Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854), I´STRIA
    • Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854), TIMA´VUS
    • Smith's Bio, Vulso
  • Cross-references in general dictionaries to this page (14):
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