Doubtless, you wish to be informed as to the complexion3 of things in Boston. I can only say, that, so far as the antislavery cause is concerned, we are (O sorrowful fact!) a divided house. That sweet fellowship which formerly prevailed in our ranks is gone, and, I fear, irrecoverably. Phelps has been confined to the house, till within a week, since the annual meeting; but, though ill, he has been very busy with his pen against the Liberator and in support of the new paper.4 How
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the causes of being in arrear.1 In vain it was urged that the plan did not contemplate a nullification for want of punctuality in the redemption of pledges, as if a mercantile contract were in question; that the pledge could and would yet be redeemed under the standing arrangement, if a collision were not precipitated; and that, if it was true, as the Committee alleged, that abolitionists were much more likely to give to the National than to the State societies, there could be very little excuse for the existence of the latter organizations, and the Committee had better assume a monopoly of the direction of the anti-slavery cause.
On this last issue the Board took their stand, and issued an address to2 their constituents, at the same time urging the fulfilment of the pledge.
Mr. Garrison described the situation at this date in a letter to his sister-in-law, Mary Benson, dated Boston, (February 10 and) March 3, 1839:
1 The Board contended that the attitude of the Executive Committee towards the Clerical Appeal had kept many from contributing to its treasury from want of confidence (in accordance with Mr. Garrison's prediction in 1837, ante, p. 167), and on the other hand had made some withhold their usual gifts to the State Society. Another disturbing influence had been the prolonged contested election in the Fourth Mass. District, which had absorbed a great deal of attention and money.
3 Ms.
4 The first number of the Massachusetts Abolitionist appeared on Feb. 7, 1839—a small sheet, neatly printed, and exhibiting, said Mr. Garrison (Lib. 9.27), both tact and talent in its selected and original articles. It made no statement of the reasons for founding it, but professed to be ‘devoted exclusively to the discussion of slavery.’ Its editorial conduct devolved upon a committee of twenty-seven, one-third of whom were clergymen (Lib. 9: 31), till Elizur Wright was free in May to assume it. Its mottoes—‘Supremacy of the laws,’ ‘Liberty, the right of all—law its defence’—were an evident thrust at ‘no-government’ doctrines, but had an unwonted sound to the champions of the ‘higher law’ (Lib. 9.31). The subscription price was $1.00; that of the Liberator, $2.50.
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