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the appointment of a committee to give it practical effect, by conferring with the new organizationists.
These, whose formal secession took place on the first day, after the right of female membership had been reasserted, had met and drawn up a constitution on the1 day previous (May 27), but first organized themselves on the day following (May 29). Elizur Wright was made corresponding secretary, and Phelps recording secretary, while Torrey prepared a disclaimer of any sectarian or party purpose—the simple object of the Massachusetts Abolition Society being to disconnect the abolition cause from its encumbrances.
It was now a race for the control of the existing abolition machinery of the State, and for the approval of the Parent Society.
The first start was made by the Executive Committee of the new society, in a justificatory address to the people of Massachusetts, which was promptly followed by one from the old Board, drafted by Mr. Garrison.2 To form, said the latter, a new State society in a State where one already existed, was a virtual declaration of war on the entire anti-slavery organization.
The New York Executive Committee could not properly recognize both, even if their constitutions were identical; nevertheless, it had countenanced and actively cooperated with the new organization, which, but for the unjustifiable interference of the members of the Committee with Massachusetts affairs, would not have been formed.
The new society's course was partial and proscriptive.
It had organized privately, without a general invitation, and had not received the approval of any anti-slavery society in the State.3 It ‘did not originate with the people, the abolition Laity, but with a few clerical gentlemen’; and nearly all who engaged in public advocacy of it were clergymen.
Yet ‘neither the management of the anti-slavery cause, nor that cause itself, belongs to any professional body.’
A like exclusiveness
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