This text is part of:
Table of Contents:
Chapter
44
: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—
Chairman
of foreign relations Committee.—
Dr.
Lieber
.—
November
,
1860
–
April
,
1861
.
Chapter
45
: an antislavery policy.—the
Trent
case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of
1861
-
1862
.
Chapter
48
:
Seward
.—emancipation.—peace with
France
.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at
Washington
.—letters to Bright,
Cobden
, and the
Duchess
of
Argyll
.—English opinion on the
Civil War
.—
Earl
Russell
and
Gladstone
.—foreign relations.—
1862
-
1863
.
Chapter
49
: letters to
Europe
.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—
Freedmen's Bureau
.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—
first
struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—
thirteenth
amendment of the constitution.—
French
spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with
Fessenden
.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—
1863
-
1864
.
Chapter
50
: last months of the
Civil War
.—Chase and
Taney
,
chief-justices
.—the
first colored
attorney in the
supreme court
—reciprocity with
Canada
.—the
New Jersey
monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on
Louisiana
.—Lincoln and
Sumner
.—visit to
Richmond
.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —
President
Johnson
; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—
1864
-
1865
.
Chapter
51
: reconstruction under
Johnson
's policy.—the
fourteenth
amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the
District of Columbia
, and for
Colorado
,
Nebraska
, and
Tennessee
.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of
Jefferson
Davis
.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on
Johnson
's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—
1865
-
1866
.
Chapter
52
: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the
District of Columbia
, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the
Freedmen
.—purchase of
Alaska
and of
St. Thomas
.—death of
Sir
Frederick
Bruce
.—Sumner on
Fessenden
and
Edmunds
.—
the prophetic voices.
—lecture tour in the
West
.—
are we a nation?
—
1866
-
1867
.
Chapter
54
:
President
Grant
's cabinet.—
A.
T.
Stewart
's disability.—
Mr.
Fish
,
Secretary of State
.—Motley, minister to
England
.—the
Alabama
claims.—the
Johnson
-
Clarendon
convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in
England
.—the
British
proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to
Motley
.—consultations with
Fish
.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—
1869
.
Chapter
55
:
Fessenden
's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.—
Mrs.
Lincoln
's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the
Chinese
.—the senator's record.—the
Cuban Civil War
.—annexation of
San Domingo
.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—
Mr.
Fish
.—removal of
Motley
.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—
1869
-
1870
.
Chapter
56
:
San Domingo
again.—the senator's
first
speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the
Motley Papers
.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—
second
speech against the
San Domingo
scheme.—the treaty of
Washington
.—Sumner and
Wilson
against
Butler
for governor.—
1870
-
1871
.
Chapter
57
: attempts to reconcile the
President
and the senator.—ineligibility of the
President
for a
second
term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to
France
.—the liberal
Republican party
:
Horace
Greeley
its candidate adopted by the
Democrats
.—
Sumner
's
reserve
.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the
President
.—support of
Greeley
.—last journey to
Europe
.—a meeting with
Motley
.—a night with John Bright.—the
President
's re-election.—
1871
-
1872
.
Chapter
58
: the battle-flag resolution.—the censure by the
Massachusetts Legislature
.—the return of the angina pectoris. —absence from the senate.—proofs of popular favor.— last meetings with friends and constituents.—the
Virginius
case.—European friends recalled.—
1872
-
1873
.
Chapter
59
: cordiality of senators.—last appeal for the Civil-rights bill. —death of
Agassiz
.—guest of the
New England
Society in New York.—the nomination of
Caleb
Cushing
as chief-justice.—an appointment for the
Boston
custom-house.— the rescinding of the legislative censure.—last effort in debate.—last day in the senate.—illness, death, funeral, and memorial tributes.—
Dec.
1
,
1873
—
March
11
,
1874
.
[41]
the character of the struggle and the necessity of putting the national cause on the highest ground, and of bringing to the rescue of the country all possible moral and physical forces.
This change of sentiment appeared in the debates and action of Congress on the proposition to declare free the slaves of rebels employed by them for military purposes, which passed the Senate, July 22, the day after the disaster, and became a law on the last day of the session.1 It was the first of a series of laws against slavery, and was aptly characterized by Breckinridge, its leading opponent, as the beginning of ‘a loosing of all bonds.’
Sumner, referring a few months later to the fact that it passed the Senate the day after the defeat, said; ‘In the providence of God there are no accidents; and this seeming reverse helped to the greatest victory which can be won.’2
Sumner believed from the first that the Civil War would end slavery, and ought to end it; and as already seen, he foresaw that civil war was inevitable.
In his view a policy of emancipation was an essential part of our case as it was to stand before the world, absolutely necessary to enlist foreign sympathy and prevent European intervention.
With that policy left out he believed that success in the field was not possible, and that the war would be ‘a vain masquerade of battles.’
He was not impressed with the objections to the avowal of an antislavery policy which weighed on the minds of many patriotic men. He was content, however, to wait for a favorable moment, though utterly opposed in the mean time to any acts or declarations which gave or promised protection to slavery.
Two days before the bombardment of Fort Sumter, when President Lincoln mentioned to him in confidence the decision to provision and hold the fort, he hinted his own conception of what was to come in the pregnant reply, ‘Then the war-power will be in motion, and with it great consequences.’
In May, when driving one evening with the President alone in the latter's carriage, he brought up the subject of slavery, telling the President that he was right then in his course, but that he must be ready to strike when the moment came.
The time he thought had come when the first considerable conflict of the two forces took place at Bull Run; and he then desired the President at
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