Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4

[253] Sumner (a repetition by way of emphasis of what has already been said in substance), that among public men and leaders of opinion at this time he was the only one who resolutely held the position—alike against one President and then another, against also resistance, hostile votes, and attempts within his own party to shift the issue—that the reconstruction should make that people finally and irrevocably citizens and voters on the same terms as white men, or it should not go on.¹ Whatever at last may be the judgment of mankind on the act itself, the honor or discredit of that great enfranchisement must ever remain with him.

He wrote to Mr. Bright, June 5:—

I thank you for your letter pleading so wisely and well for the humane course towards our traitors. I agree with you entirely, and have already enforced the same views. There has been a perceptible change in the public feeling, and I do not despair to see it right if time is allowed. It was Stanton who wished to hang three or four in a State; I think that even he is more moderate now.

There has been immense disappointment in Johnson's proclamation for the reorganization of North Carolina, excluding the colored persons. This is madness. But it is also inconsistent with his sayings to the chief-justice and myself. . . . There is great tranquillity in the public mind with regard to our foreign relations, and a disposition to peace. But knowing as I do the sentiment of leading politicians, I wish to get every pending question out of the way; I mean by this that it should be put in such train of settlement as to be taken out of the sphere of congressional action, if that be possible. Therefore, Lord Russell's letter repelling our claims must be reconsidered. A resolution calling upon the government to demand the settlement of our claims and to follow the British precedent in the case of the “Trent,” would pass the House of Representatives almost unanimously. But the House is not in session, and when I left Washington the President had no idea of calling it together. Sherman² has one of his paroxysms arising from his excitable organization, and is ruining himself by wild talk. Seward wishes to stay in the Cabinet long enough “to finish his work;” but he is very feeble. The centres of life have not been touched; but he speaks only a few words, and with great difficulty. There is a pressure against Stanton, in which the Blairs and the ring of cotton speculators are very active. When I left Washington there was not the least sign that the President would listen to them. There are but two questions now that interest the public: (1) The question of reconstruction, including of course the question of the suffrage; and (2) The execution of Jeff. Davis. I notice the cry for Jeff. Davis in England. This is the