[58] I cannot bear the thought. What I can do to prevent this will be done sincerely and earnestly. We are inexpressibly grateful for your good, noble words. There is no suggestion of compromise; it is impossible.To Lieber, December 24:—1
The articles in the [New York] Herald, proposing to give up the emissaries, but to remember the incident and call England to account hereafter, will be in the way of peace. If England sees that war is inevitable sooner or later, she will accept it now. The only chance of peace is that the settlement shall be complete and without mental reservations which shall hereafter be forged into thunderbolts. Of course, I say this daily to the President, who is essentially pacific. Such a Congress as you suggest is impracticable. The Congress of Paris went as far as possible at that time. We must wait until the exigency is greater or civilization more advanced. Of course, I should like to propose such a Congress, but not unless it can be presented in a practical form. Think of it, and tell me (1) what propositions you would submit, and (2) how would you enlist the other nations. War with England involves—（1) Instant acknowledgment of rebel States by England, followed by France; (2) Breaking of the present blockade, with capture of our fleet,—Dupont and all; (3) The blockade of our coast from Chesapeake to Eastport; (4) The sponging of our slips from the ocean; (5) The establishment of the independence of rebel States; (6) Opening of these States by free trade to English manufacturers, which would be introduced by contraband into our States, making the whole North American continent a manufacturing dependency of England. All this I have put to the President. I have proposed to the President arbitration. But in her present mood England will not arbitrate; and it has been suggested also that no nation can submit to arbitration a question with regard to its own subjects. But let us make a precedent. Seward is tranquil and confident; but, me judice, no man can penetrate the future. Passion is too strong, and we are too little informed of the real purposes of England. Your suggestion with regard to improvement in maritime law is so much in harmony with my own constant aspirations that I am unwilling to dismiss it. Pray, put it in practical form, or at least develop it more at length. I see impediments at this moment to a movement in Congress on this subject. But my anxious desire is to associate with our decision about Mason and Slidell some triumph of our traditional policy with regard to maritime rights. Of course, this must come from the Administration, and I have today urged it.To Mr. Bright, December 30:—
I know not which to be most grateful for, your speech or your letters. All of the letters, including that of December 14, I have sent to the President, who told me to-day that he had just read your speech. You already know
