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[242] In the evening I had an interview with him on public business;1 this was in the common room of the hotel where he was staying. I mention these things to illustrate the simplicity with which his accession was marked. Since then I have seen him repeatedly. Last evening I had a long conversation with him, mainly on the rebel States and how they shall be tranquillized. Of course my theme is justice to the colored race. He accepted this idea completely, and indeed went so far as to say that there is no difference between us. You understand that the question whether rebel States shall be treated as military provinces or territories is simply one of form, with a view to the great result. It is the result that I am at; and I shall never stickle on any intermediate question if that is secured. He deprecates haste; is unwilling that States should be precipitated back; think there must be a period of probation, but that meanwhile all loyal people, without distinction of color, must be treated as citizens, and must take part in any proceedings for reorganization. He doubts at present the expediency of announcing this from Washington lest it should give a handle to party, but is willing it should be made known to the people in the rebel States. The chief-justice started yesterday on a visit to North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, and New Orleans, and will on his way touch the necessary strings, so far as he can. I anticipate much from this journey. His opinions are fixed, and he is well informed with regard to those of the President. I would not be too sanguine, but I should not be surprised if we had this great question settled before the next meeting of Congress—I mean by this that we had such expressions of opinion and acts as will forever conclude it. My confidence is founded in part upon the essential justice of our aims and the necessity of the case. With the President as well disposed as he shows himself, and the chief-justice as positive, we must prevail. Will not all this sanctify our war beyond any in history? The President has not yet approached foreign questions. Last evening he said to me with reference to our claims on England, that he thought the time had come when we could insist on having then settled on correct principles.

To R. Schleiden, May 12:—

At last the military power of the rebellion is broken, and we are dismissing our troops. But, say the doubters, you cannot establish peace and tranquillity. This is the second line of diplomacy. Here again I reply confidently, as I once replied on the other question, We can. This will be by calling the colored population to the elective franchise. You know that for some tine this has been my demand, so that all shall be equal before the law. Our late President accepted the principle, but hesitated in the application. You may remember the same hesitation with regard to emancipation, to which he finally consented. Our new President accepts the principle and the application. Our excellent chief-justice is, of course, very ardent and decided. I feel that at last I can see the end, when this terrible war will be justified.

I am much interested to note in Europe the contre-coup of the great events of the last month, with the tragic death of the President. I trust that

1 With regard to receiving Sir Frederick Bruce, the newly arrived British minister.

2 Mr. Schleiden was now minister of the Hanse Towns in London.

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