convenient minister of a partisan government. During all the exciting scenes which were enacted in the court rooms, a large body of eager citizens were without impatiently waiting for the issue. A word from the great leader would have embroiled the country in civil strife. That word was not spoken. On the contrary he counselled peace, moderation, forbearance, and led his friends to hope that through these means their cause would surely prevail. It was the hope of the Radicals that the exasperated citizens would commit violence. The army of the United States was there to obey the will of Chamberlain; all that was wanted was a complaint from him that his government was obstructed by violence, and the army was ready to march to the support of the usurper. That complaint he never had a cause to make. Day by day he saw his hopes slipping away from him, but there was no violence employed to effect that object. It was the moral force alone that had undermined, but no military force could help him here. The people gave their money to Hampton, and would give none to the occupant of the State House; but this refusal was without violence, nay, so conscious were his officers of the hopelessness of his cause, that they never even called for money. The judges, all of whom had been appointed by Radical legislatures, one after another acknowledged the right of Hampton; Chamberlain at last found that his government was limited to the forced possession of the State House, and never had a shadow of a ground of violence to warrant a call on the army for support. Nor were provocations wanting to goad on a maddened people. When Grant ordered that no white soldiers should take a part in the customary celebration of Washington's birth-day, what object could he have had in view but that an indignant people would disobey the order, and thus by giving color for interference, provoke a collision which would injure the cause? And with what admirable temper did the Governor meet this outrageous order! He sent his orders all over the State, directing that the order of the President be obeyed, and held out hopes of a celebration at an early day when it would not be a crime for citizens of South Carolina to celebrate the birthday of the father of their country. If the final victory was due to the lawyers, it is no less due to the great wisdom of the accomplished Governor and leader of his party. Calm, cautious, prudent and hopeful, he never made a false step; never for a moment, even in appearance, yielded a tittle of what he had gained. In the history of his past life General Hampton had been
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Table of Contents:
General Ewell at First Manassas .
Colonel Campbell Brown 's reply to General Beauregard .
The Merrimac and the Monitor —Report of the Committee on Naval Affairs.
Report: [to accompany bill H. R. 244 .]
Official reports of the battle of Gettysburg .
Report of Colonel Bryan Grimes , of Fourth North Carolina .
Operations of detachment from Cashtown to Williams -Port—report of Major Charles Richardson .
From the Rapidan to Spotsylvania Courthouse .
Report of General R. S. Ewell .
Report of General A. L. Long , from 4th to 31st of May , 1864 .
Evacuation of Richmond .
Reunion of the Virginia division Army of Northern Virginia Association.
Orations at the unveiling of the statue of Stonewall Jackson , Richmond, Va. , October 26th , 1875 .
Governor Kemper 's address.
The battle of Honey Hill .
Battle of Chickamauga .
Report of Brigadier-General B. R. Johnson .
Letter from General Hagood on recapture of a flag.
The cavalry affair at Waynesboro .
General Sherman 's method of making war.
Letter from Colonel Stone .
Gleanings from General Sherman 's despatches.
The Wee Nee Volunteers of Williamsburg District, South Carolina , in the First ( Gregg 's) Regiment—Siege and capture of Fort Sumter .
The Kilpatrick - Dahlgren raid against Richmond .
Statement of Lieutenant Bartley , of the United States signal corps .
The Confederate account.
Authenticity of the Dahlgren papers.
The opening of the lower Mississippi in April , 1862 -a reply to Admiral Porter .
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