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cooperation and hearty support in prevention of a great wrong in the East as the famous “irrepressible conflict” attracted warriors to Seward's standard in the Mississippi valley.
It was apparent now to Lincoln that the Presidential nomination was within his reach.
He began gradually to lose his interest in the law and to trim his political sails at the same time.
His recent success had stimulated his self-confidence to unwonted proportions.
He wrote to influential party workers everywhere.
I know the idea prevails that Lincoln sat still in his chair in Springfield, and that one of those unlooked-for-tides in human affairs came along and cast the nomination into his lap; but any man who has had experience in such things knows that great political prizes are not obtained in that way. The truth is, Lincoln was as vigilant as he was ambitious, and there is no denying the fact that he understood the situation perfectly from the start.
In the management of his own interests he was obliged to rely almost entirely on his own resources.
He had no money with which to maintain a political bureau, and he lacked any kind of personal organization whatever.
Seward had all these things, and, behind them all, a brilliant record in the United States Senate with which to dazzle his followers.
But with all his prestige and experience the latter was no more adroit and no more untiring in pursuit of his ambition than the man who had just delivered the Cooper Institute speech.
A letter written by Lincoln about this time to a friend in Kansas serves to illustrate his methods, and measures the extent
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