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 soldiers were the invaders, and the unarmed citizens of Baltimore (nine of whom were killed and a number wounded, while only two soldiers were killed and several wounded) were the patriotic defenders of their homes; the soldiers were the representatives of despotic power, and the citizens of patriots struggling for independence. 7. The statement (p. 278) that ‘a majority of the people’ of West Virginia ‘were attached to the Union’ is utterly untrue, in view of the fact that only 20,000 votes were cast against secession in the whole limits of old Virginia. And certainly our children should not be taught, even by implication, that this infamous division of Virginia territory—this ‘political rape’—was in any sense justifiable. 8. We call attention to the outrage, at the bottom of page 281, of teaching our children that in the death of Abraham Lincoln ‘The South felt that it had lost its best friend;’ . . . . . and that ‘his name is fitly coupled with that of Washington, and the martyred President will ever remain sacred in the memory of the American people.’ This is in the same spirit as the statement (p. 309) that Phil. Sheridan was ‘the most able cavalry leader of the war’—that Sherman's ‘march to the sea’ (p. 310) was ‘one of the most celebrated events of history’—that, ‘considering his surroundings and the place of his birth, Geo. H. Thomas's adherence to the Union (p. 303) is remarkable’—that ‘the characteristics of E. M. Stanton's administration (p. 327) were integrity, energy, determination, singleness of purpose, and the power to comprehend the magnitude of the rebellion and the labor and cost in blood and treasure involved in suppressing it’—that Grant's ‘generalship at Chattanooga is considered by military authorities the masterpiece of the war,’ and the horrible sacrifice of his men in the campaign of 1864 justifiable, and that President Hayes, in making his appointments, (p. 339) consulted ‘the service of the public rather than that of the politicians,’ and regulated ‘both his appointments and dismissals by questions of personal worth.’ And in this connection we call especial attention to the general scope and bearing of the biographical sketches given in the book— eleven very tame sketches of Confederates, and twenty-six sketches of Federals, most of the latter glowing eulogies. It will not do to say that the sketches are chiefly of Generals commanding armies, for many of the Federals sketched would not come under this head, while a number of Confederates who commanded armies, such as John B. Floyd, Henry A. Wise. J. A. Early, John B. Hood, S. D. Lee, Leonidas Polk, Stirling Price, Earl Van Dorn,
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