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this system by the crown increased the aversion to
raising money; so that
Virginia refused to contribute its quota to the defence of the colonies against
France,
and not only disregarded the special orders for assisting
Albany, but with entire unanimity, and even with the assent of the council, justified its disobedience.
While other provinces were exhausted by taxation, in eleven years, eighty-three pounds of tobacco for each
poll was the total sum levied by all the special acts of
the assembly of Virginia.
The very existence of the forms of representation led to comparison.
Virginia was conscious of its importance to the mother country; and its inhabitants, long aware that their liberties were less than those of
New England, were put ‘upon a nice inquiry into the
circumstances of the government.’
England also provoked a generous rivalry.
‘The assembly concluded itself entitled to all the rights and privileges of an English parliament;’ and the records of the house of commons were examined in search of precedents favorable to legislative freedom.
The constitution of the
Church in
Virginia cherished colonial freedom; for the act of 1642, which established it, reserved the right of presentation to the parish.
The license of the bishop of
London, and the recommendation of the governor, availed, therefore, but little.
Sometimes the parish rendered the establishment nugatory by its indolence of action; sometimes
the minister, if acceptable to the congregation, was
received, but not presented.
It was the general custom
to hire the minister from year to year.
A legal opinion
was obtained from
England, that the minister is an incumbent for life, and cannot be displaced by his parishioners; but the vestry kept themselves the