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ruined; all will feel the painful sting of a guilty conscience, during the rest of life, and, on their death-bed, (if, indeed, rioters who aid in murder could die otherwise than is written: “He that shall kill by the sword, must be killed by the sword,” Apoc.
13 : 10,) they will, either through God's mercy, sincerely repent for their participation in the riots, or be lost for ever!
Dearly beloved, listen to the advice of a father who dearly loves you; submit to law, and God will protect you. Should there be a draft, fewer will be drafted than would, probably, be killed in an unholy struggle against law. And if any of you be drafted, we will try to protect and aid; friends will protect and aid; God will protect, aid, and bless, in more ways than we know or dare name.
Withdraw yourselves, then, we beg and exhort, from all who would excite to associations against the law of the land, or to violence and mob-law.
For God's sake — for the sake of your dear families — for the sake of your fathers and mothers, whether still pilgrims on earth or mingling with the “blessed crowd of witnesses” who from heaven watch over your conduct on earth — we exhort you to trust in God, and not to lend yourselves to any exciter of mob violence, which leads so often to murder.
If you follow this advice of your Father in Christ, we confidently assure you that “Whosoever shall follow this rule, peace will be upon him, and mercy, and upon the Israel of God.”
(Gal. 6.)
We require that this letter be read in every church on the Sunday after its reception.
Given at St. Joseph's Cathedral, Buffalo, on the Feast of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, A. D. 1863.
† John, Bishop of Buffalo.
Letter from James T. Brady.
New-York, July 19, 1863.
While I was in Washington, detained there by the interruption of travel between that city and Baltimore, the recent riot broke out.
Certain individuals, who spoke rather what they wished than what they knew, suggested that the crowd would assail my residence.
I do not believe that any rioters of this city ever contemplated any such movement; but if they had made an attempt of the kind, they would have regretted the measure, I assure you.
I know very well to whose ingenious suggestions I am indebted for-this expression of a threat, and address you merely for the purpose of saying to the mob, and to all men who feel inclined to take part in a mob, two things:
First.
There is no instance in the history of mankind in which a mob or riot did not fail to win any permanent advantage.
Second.
In most mobs of any consequence the exhibitions of courage have been by those whom concealed agitations moved.
The agitators themselves have, as in the recent instances, remained in secure secrecy.
I have heard with regret of the expressions made by men claiming to be gentlemen, having property and influence, who have privately chuckled over the merciless massacres of unoffending negroes.
Not one of these men would dare to expose his precious person in any of the murderous exploits he praises.
And now let me say to the men who have been or mean to be engaged in a riot: Why should you expose yourselves to all the danger, and the men who set you on keep out of it?
I tell you, my deluded fellow-citizens, that not one of the scheming demagogues who urge you to the peril they never intend to encounter — not one of them will ever consent to act with you or to lead you.
Try it!
Go to any of the men who applaud your course or pretend to be your friends, and you will find that they don't dare to fight for your opinions as you do.
I detest murderers, house-burners, and thieves.
I regard neither with honor, but I have more respect for the misguided man who opposes by violence a law which he deems unjust and oppressive, than for the miserable sneaks who, to carry out their opinions or to promote their views, skulk in the rear while they expose their foolish but courageous dupes in the front.
The people of New-York will find out that the way to avoid injustice is not to court or follow the directions of political “rings” or cliques, but to rely upon the assistance of those who, like myself, mean that our country shall continue to exist and no injustice be done to any of her citizens.
I do not admire the provision in the conscript law generally called the three hundred dollar clause; but I will obey the law. I will pay this amount for any four men of family whose courage being good are yet so placed that they cannot leave their families.
If I were richer I would do more.
I will also do all in my power to have the right to draft tested before the judiciary as a constitutional question.
But I beg and implore the brave but misled men who are willing to fight for their principles, not to let themselves be used by political sneaks, who don't care how many houses are burned or lives are sacrificed, if their own schemes can be promoted consistently with their personal safety. 