A true discourse written (as is thought) by Colonel
Antonie Winkfield emploied in the voiage to Spaine and
Portugall, 1589. sent to his particular friend, & by him
published for the better satisfaction of all such as
having bene seduced by particular report, have entred
into conceits tending to the discredite of the enterprise
and Actors of the same.
ALTHOUGH the desire of advancing my reputation caused
me to withstand the many perswasions you used to hold
me at home, & the pursute of honorable actions drew me
(contrary to your expectation) to neglect that advise,
which in love I know you gave me: yet in respect of the
many assurances you have yeelded mee of your kindest
friendship, I cannot suspect that you will either love or
esteeme me the lesse, at this my returne: and therfore I
wil not omit any occasion which may make me appeare
thankfull, or discharge any part of that duetie I owe
you; which now is none other then to offer you a true
discourse how these warres of Spaine and Portugall have
passed since our going out of England the 18 of Aprill,
till our returne which was the first of July. Wherein I
wil (under your favourable pardon) for your further satisfaction, as well make relation of those reasons which
confirmed me in my purpose of going abroad, as of these
accidents which have happened during our aboad there;
thereby hoping to perswade you that no light fansie did
drawe me from the fruition of your dearest friendship,
but an earnest desire, by following the warres to make
my selfe more woorthy of the same.
Having therefore determinately purposed to put on this
habite of a souldier, I grew doubtfull whether to employ
my time in ye wars of the low Countries, which are in
auxiliarie maner maintained by her majestie, or to folow
the fortune of this voiage, which was an adventure of her
and many honorable personages, in revenge of unsupportable wrongs offered unto the estate of our countrey
by the Castilian king: in arguing whereof, I find that by
how much the chalenger is reputed before the defendant,
by so much is the journey to be preferred before those
defensive wars. For had the duke of Parma his turne
bene to defend, as it was his good fortune to invade:
from whence could have proceeded that glorious honor
which these late warres have laid upon him, or what
could have bene said more of him, then of a Respondent
(though never so valiant) in a private Duell? Even, that
he hath done no more then by his honour he was tied
unto. For the gaine of one towne or any small defeat
giveth more renoume to the Assailant, then the defence
of a countrey, or the withstanding of twentie encounters
can yeeld any man who is bound by his place to guard the
same: whereof as well the particulars of our age,
especially in the Spaniard, as the reports of former
histories may assure us, which have still laied the fame
of all warres upon the Invader. And do not ours in these
dayes live obscured in Flanders, either not having wherewithall to manage any warre, or not putting on armes,
but to defend themselves when the enemie shall procure
them? Whereas in this short time of our Adventure, we
have won a towne by escalade, battred & assaulted
another, overthrowen a mightie princes power in the field,
landed our armie in 3 several places of his kingdom,
marched 7 dayes in the heart of his country, lien three
nights in the suburbs of his principall citie, beaten his
forces into the gates thereof, and possessed two of his
frontier Forts, as shall in discourse thereof more particularly appeare: whereby I conclude, that going with an
Invader, and in such an action as every day giveth new
experience, I have much to vaunt of, that my fortune
did rather cary me thither then into the wars of Flanders.
Notwithstanding the vehement perswasions you used with
me to the contrary, the grounds whereof sithence you
received them from others, you must give me leave to
acquaint you with the error you were led into by them,
who labouring to bring the world into an opinion that
it stood more with the safetie of our estate to bend all
our forces against the Prince of Parma, then to folow this
action by looking into the true effects of this journey,
will judicially convince themselves of mistaking the
matter. For, may the conquest of these countries against
the prince of Parma be thought more easie for us alone
now, then the defence of them was 11 yeeres agoe, with
the men and money of the Queene of England? the
power of the Monsieur of France? the assistance of the
principal states of Germanie? and the nobilitie of their
owne country? Could not an armie of more then 20000
horse, & almost 30000 foot, beat Don John de Austria
out of the countrey, who was possessed of a very few
frontier townes? & shall it now be laid upon her majesties
shoulders to remoove so mightie an enemie, who hath
left us but 3 whole parts of 17 unconquered? It is not a
journey of a few moneths, nor an auxiliarie warre of few
yeeres that can damnifie the king of Spaine in those places
where we shall meet at every 8 or 10 miles end with a
towne, which will cost more the winning then will yeerely
pay 4 or 5 thousand mens wages, where all the countrey
is quartered by rivers which have no passage unfortified,
and where most of the best souldiers of Christendom that
be on our adverse party be in pension. But our armie,
which hath not cost her majestie much above the third
part of one yeres expenses in the Low countries, hath
already spoiled a great part of the provision he had made
at the Groine of all sortes, for a new voyage into England; burnt 3 of his ships, wherof one was ye second in
the last yeres expedition called S. Juan de Colorado, taken
from him above 150 pieces of good artillerie; cut off more
then 60 hulks and 20 French ships wel manned fit and
readie to serve him for men of war against us, laden for
his store with corne, victuals, masts, cables and other
marchandizes; slaine and taken the principal men of war
he had in
Galitia; made Don Pedro Enriques de Gusman,
Conde de Fuentes, Generall of his forces in
Portugall,
shamefully run at Peniche
; laid along of his best
Commanders in Lisbon
; and by these few adventures
discovered how easily her majestie may without any great
adventure in short time pull the Tirant of the world upon
his knees, as wel by the disquieting his usurpation of
Portugall as without difficultie in keeping the commoditie
of his Indies from him, by sending an army so accomplished, as may not be subject to those extremities which
we have endured: except he draw, for those defences, his
forces out of the Low countries and disfurnish his garisons of Naples
& Milan
, which with safetie of those places
he may not do. And yet by this meane he shall rather
be inforced thereunto, then by any force that can be used
there against him : wherefore I directly conclude that this
proceeding is the most safe and necessary way to be held
against him, and therefore more importing then the war
in the Low countries. Yet hath the journey (I know)
bene much misliked by some, who either thinking too
worthily of the Spaniards valure, too indifferently of his
purposes against us, or too unworthily of them that undertooke this journey against him, did thinke it a thing
dangerous to encounter the Spaniard at his owne home, a
thing needlesse to proceed by invasion against him, a
thing of too great moment for two subjects of their
qualitie to undertake: And therfore did not so advance the
beginnings as though they hoped for any good successe
thereof.
The chances of wars be things most uncertaine: for
what people soever undertake them, they are in deed as
chastisements appointed by God for the one side or the
other. For which purpose it hath pleased him to give
some victories to the Spaniards of late yeeres against
some whom he had in purpose to ruine. But if we consider what wars they be that have made their name so
terrible, we shal find them to have bin none other then
against the barbarous Moores, the naked Indians, and the
unarmed Netherlanders, whose yeelding rather to the
name then act of the Spaniards, hath put them into such
a conceit of their mightines, as they have considerately
undertaken the conquest of our monarchie, consisting
of a people united & alwayes held sufficiently warlike:
against whom what successe their invincible army had the
last yeere, as our very children can witness, so I doubt
not but this voiage hath sufficiently made knowen what
they are even upon their owne dunghill, which, had it
bene set out in such sort as it was agreed upon by their
first demaund, it might have made our nation the most
glorious people of the world. For hath not the want of
8 of the 12 pieces of artillerie, which were promised unto
the Adventure, lost her majestie the possession of the
Groine and many other places, as hereafter shal appeare,
whose defensible rampires were greater then our batterie
(such as it was) cold force: and therefore were left
unattempted ?
It was also resolved to have sent 600 English horses.
of the Low countries, whereof we had not one, notwithstanding the great charges expended in their transporta
tion hither: and that may the army assembled at Puente
de Burgos thanke God of, as well as the forces of Portugall, who foreran us 6 daies together: Did we not want 7
of the 13 old Companies, which we should have had from
thence; foure of the 10 dutch Companies; & 6 of their
men of war for the sea, from the Hollanders: which I
may justly say we wanted, in that we might have had so
many good souldiers, so many good ships, and so many
able bodies more then we had?
Did there not upon the first thinking of the journey
divers gallant Courtiers put in their names for adventurers to the summe of 10000 li. who seeing it went
forward in good earnest, advised themselves better, and
laid the want of so much money upon the journey?
Was there not moreover a round summe of the adventure spent in levying, furnishing, and maintaining 3
moneths 1500 men for the service of Berghen, with which
Companies the Mutinies of Ostend were suppressed, a
service of no smal moment?
What misery the detracting of the time of our setting
out, which should have bene the i of February, did lay
upon us, too many can witnes: and what extremitie the
want of that moneths victuals which we did eat, during
the moneth we lay at Plimmouth for a wind, might have
driven us unto, no man can doubt of, that knoweth what
men do live by, had not God given us in the ende a more
prosperous wind and shorter passage into Galitia then
hath bene often seen, where our owne force & fortune
revictualled us largely: of which crosse windes, that held
us two dayes after our going out, the Generals being
wearie, thrust to Sea in the same, wisely chusing rather
to attend the change thereof there, then by being in
harborough to lose any part of the better, when it should
come by having their men on shore: in which two dayes
25 of our companies shipped in part of the fleet were
scattered from us, either not being able or willing to
double Ushant
.
These burdens layed upon our Generals before their
going out, they have patiently endured, and I thinke they
have thereby much enlarged their honour: for having
done thus much with the want of our artillery, 600 horse,
3000 foot, 20000 li. of their adventure, and one moneths
victuals of their proportion, what may be conjectured they
would have done with their ful complement?
For the losse of our men at sea, since we can lay it
on none but the will of God, what can be said more, then
that it is his pleasure to turne all those impediments
to the honor of them against whom they were intended:
and he will still shew himselfe the Lord of hosts in doing
great things by them, whom many have sought to
obscure: who if they had let the action fall at the height
thereof in respect of those defects, which were such
especially for the service at land, as would have made
a mighty subject stoope under them, I do not see how
any man could justly have layd any reproch upon him
who commanded the same, but rather have lamented the
iniquity of this time, wherein men whom forren countries
have for their conduct in service worthily esteemed of,
should not only in their owne countrey not be seconded
in their honorable endevors, but mightily hindred, even
to ye impairing of their owne estates, which most
willingly they have adventured for the good of their
countries: whose worth I will not value by my report,
lest I should seem guiltie of flattery (which my soule
abhorreth) & yet come short in the true measure of their
praise. Onely for your instruction against them who
had almost seduced you from the true opinion you hold
of such men, you shal understand that General Norris
from his booke was trained up in the wars of the Admiral
of France, and in very yong yeeres had charge of men
under the erle of Essex in Ireland
: which with what
commendations he then discharged, I leave to the report
of them who observed those services. Upon the breach
betwixt Don John & the States, he was made Colonell
generall of all ye English forces there present, or to
come, which he continued 2 yeeres: he was then made
Marshall of the field under Conte Hohenlo: and after
that, General of the army in Frisland: at his comming
home in the time of Monsieurs government in Flanders,
he was made lord President of Munster in Ireland
, which
he yet holdeth, from whence within one yeere he was
sent for, & sent Generall of the English forces which her
majestie then lent to the Low countries, which he held
til the erle of Leicesters going over. And he was made
Marshall of the field in England, the enemy being upon
our coast, and when it was expected the crowne of
England should have bene tried by battel. Al which
places of commandement which never any Englishman
successively attained unto in forren wars, and the high
places her majestie had thought him woorthy of, may
suffice to perswade you, that he was not altogether
unlikely to discharge that which he undertooke.
What fame general Drake hath gotten by his journy
about the world, by his adventures to the west Indies,
& the scourges he hath laid upon the Spanish nation, I
leave to the Southerne parts to speake of, & refer you
to The Booke extant in our own language treating of
ye same, & beseech you considering the waighty matters
they have in all the course of their lives with wonderfull
reputation managed, that you wil esteeme them not wel
informed of their proceedings, that thinke them insufficient
to passe through that which they undertooke, especially
having gone thus far in the view of the world, through so
many incombrances, & disappointed of those agreements
which led them ye rather to undertake the service. But
it may be you wil thinke me herein either to much
opinionated of the voiage, or conceited of the Commanders, yt labouring thus earnestly to advance the
opinion of them both, have not so much as touched any
part of the misorders, weaknes & wants that have bene
amongst us, whereof they that returned did plentifully
report. True it is, I have conceived a great opinion of
the journey, & do thinke honorably of the Commanders:
for we find in greatest antiquities, that many Commanders
have bene received home with triumph for lesse merite, &
that our owne countrey hath honored men heretofore
with admiration for adventures unequal to this: it might
therfore in those daies have seemed superfluous to extend
any mans commendations by particular remembrances,
for that then all men were ready to give every man his
due. But I hold it most necessary in these daies, sithence
every vertue findeth her direct opposite, & actions woorthy
of all memory are in danger to be enviously obscured, to
denounce the prayses of the action, and actors to the ful,
but yet no further then with sinceritie of trueth, & not
without grieving at the injury of this time, wherein is
enforced a necessitie of Apologies for those men &
matters, which all former times were accustomed to entertaine with the greatest applause that might be. But to
answere the reports which have bene given out in reproch
of the actors and action by such as were in the same: let
no man thinke otherwise, but that they, who fearing the
casuall accidents of war had any purpose of returning,
did first advise of some occasion that should move them
thereunto: and having found any whatsoever did thinke
it sufficiently just, in respect of the earnest desire they
had to seeke out matter that might colour their comming
home.
Of these there were some, who having noted the late
Flemish warres did finde that many yong men have gone
over and safely returned souldiers within fewe moneths,
in having learned some wordes of Arte used in the warres,
and thought after that good example to spend like time
amongst us: which being expired they beganne to quarrels
at the great mortalitie that was amongst us.
The neglect of discipline in the Armie, for that men
were suffered to be drunke with the plentie of wines.
The scarsitie of Surgions.
The want of carriages for the hurt and sicke: and the
penurie of victuals in the Campe:
Thereupon divining that there would be no good done:
And that therefore they could be content to lose their
time, and adventure to returne home againe.
These men have either conceived wel of their owne
wits (who by observing the passages of the warre were
become sufficient souldiers in these fewe weeks, & did
long to be at home, where their discourses might be
wondred at) or missing of their Portegues and Milrayes
which they dreamed on in
Portugall, would rather returne
to their former maner of life, then attend the ende of
the journey. For seeing that one hazard brought another;
and that though one escaped the bullet this day it might
light upon him to morow, the next day, or any day; and
that the warre was not confined to any one place, but yt
every place brought foorth new enemies, they were glad
to see some of the poore souldiers fal sicke, yt fearing
to be infected by them they might justly desire to go
home.
The sicknesse I confesse was great, because any is too
much. But-hath it bene greater then is ordinary amongst
Englishmen at their first entrance into the warres,
whithersoever they goe to want the fulnesse of their flesh
pots? Have not ours decayed at all times in France,
with eating yong fruits and drinking newe wines? have
they not abundantly perished in the Low countreys with
cold, and rawnesse of the aire, even in their garrisons?
Have there not more died in London in sixe moneths
of the plague, then double our Armie being at the
strongest? And could the Spanish Armie the last yeere
(who had all provisions that could be thought on for an
Armie, and tooke the fittest season in the yeere for our
Climate) avoyd sicknes amongst their souldiers? May
it then be thought that ours could escape there, where
they found inordinate heat of weather, and hot wines to
distemper them withall?
But can it be, that wee have lost so many as the
common sort perswade themselves wee have? It hath
bene prooved by strickt examinations of our musters, that
we were never in our fulnesse before our going from
Plimouth 11000. souldiers, nor above 2500. Marriners.
It is also evident that there returned above 6000. of all
sorts, as appeareth by the severall paiments made to them
since our comming home. And I have truely shewed you
that of these numbers very neere 3000. forsooke the
Armie at the Sea, whereof some passed into France and
the rest returned home. So as we never being 13000. in
all, and having brought home above 6000. with us, you
may see how the world hath bene seduced, in beleeving
that we have lost 16000. men by sicknes.
To them that have made question of the government
of the warres (little knowing what appertaineth thereunto
in that there were so many drunkards amongst us) I
answere, that in their government of shires and parishes,
yea in their very housholdes, themselves can hardly
bridle their vassals from that vice. For we see it is a
thing almost impossible, at any your Faires or publique
assemblies to finde any quarter thereof sober, or in your
Townes any Alepoles unfrequented: And we observe that
though any man having any disordered persons in their
houses, do locke up their drinke and set Butlers upon it,
that they will yet either by indirect meanes steale themselves drunke from their Masters tables, or runne abroad
to seeke it. If then at home in the eyes of your Justices,
Maiors, Preachers, and Masters, and where they pay for
every pot they take, they cannot be kept from their
liquor: doe they thinke that those base disordered persons
whom themselves sent unto us, as living at home without
rule, who hearing of wine doe long for it as a daintie that
their purses could never reach to in England, and having
it there without mony even in their houses where they lie
& hold their guard, can be kept from being drunk; and
once drunke, held in any order or tune, except we had
for every drunkard an officer to attend him? But who be
they that have runne into these disorders? Even our
newest men, our yongest men, and our idelest men, and
for the most part our slovenly prest men, whom the
Justices, (who have alwayes thought unwoorthily of any
warre) have sent out as the scumme and dregs of their
countrey. And those were they, who distempering themselves with these hote wines, have brought in that sicknesse, which hath infected honester men then themselves.
But I hope, as in other places the recoverie of their
diseases doeth acquaint their bodies with the aire of the
countries where they be, so the remainder of these which
have either recovered, or past without sicknesse will
proove most fit for Martiall services.
If we have wanted Surgeons, may not this rather
be laid upon the captaines (who are to provide for their
severall Companies) then upon the Generals, whose care
hath bene more generall. And how may it be thought
that every captaine, upon whom most of the charges of
raising their Companies was laid as an adventure, could
provide themselves of all things expedient for a war,
which was alwaies wont to be maintained by the purse of
the prince. But admit every captaine had his Surgeon:
yet were the want of curing never the lesse: for our
English Surgeons (for the most part) be unexperienced
in hurts that come by shot; because England hath not
knowen wars but of late, from whose ignorance proceeded
this discomfort, which I hope wil warne those yt hereafter
go to the wars to make preparation of such as may better
preserve mens lives by their skill.
From whence the want of cariages did proceed, you
may conjecture in yt we marched through a countrey
neither plentiful of such provisions, nor willing to part
from any thing: yet this I can assure you, that no man
of worth was left either hurt or sicke in any place
unprovided for. And that the General commanded all
the mules & asses that were laden with any baggage to
be unburdened and taken to that use: and the earle of
Essex and he for mony hired men to cary men upon
pikes. And the earle (whose true vertue and nobilitie, as
it doeth in all other his actions appeare, so did it very
much in this) threw down his own stuffe, I meane
apparel & necessaries which he had there, from his owne
cariages, and let them be left by the way, to put hurt and
sicke men upon them. Of whose honorable deservings
I shall not need here to make any particular discourse,
for that many of his actions do hereafter give me occasion
to observe the same.
And the great complaint that these men make for the
want of victuals may well proceed from their not knowing
the wants of the war; for if to feed upon good bieves,
muttons & goats, be to want, they have endured great
scarcitie at land, wherunto they never wanted, two daies
together, wine to mixe with their water, nor bread to eat
with their meat (in some quantitie) except it were such as
had vowed rather to starve then to stir out of their places
for food: of whom we had too many, who if their time
had served for it, might have seen in many campes in
the most plentifull countries of the world for victuals, men
daily die with want of bread and drinke in not having
money to buy, nor the countrey yeelding any good or
healthful water in any place; whereas both Spaine and
Portugall do in every place affoord the best water that
may be, and much more healthful then any wine for our
drinking.
And although some have most injuriously exclaimed
against the smal provisions of victuals for the sea, rather
grounding the same upon an evil that might have fallen,
then any that did light upon us: yet know you this, that
there is no man so forgetfull, that will say they wanted
before they came to the Groine, that whosoever made not
very large provisions for himselfe & his company at the
Groine, was very improvident, where was plentiful store
of wine, biefe and fish, & no man of place prohibited to
lay in the same into their ships, wherewith some did so
furnish themselves, as they did not onely in the journey
supplie the wants of such as were lesse provident then
they, but in their returne home made a round commoditie
of the remainder thereof. And that at Cascais
there came
in such store of provisions into the Fleet out of England,
as no man that would have used his diligence could have
wanted his due proportion thereof, as might appeare by
the remainder that was returned to Plimmouth, and the
plentifull sale thereof made out of the marchants ships
after their comming into the Thames
.
But least I should seeme unto you too studious in
confuting idle opinions, or answering frivolous questions,
I wil addresse me to the true report of those actions that
have passed therein: wherin I protest, I will neither hide
any thing that hath hapned against us, nor attribute more
to any man or matter, then the just occasions thereof lead
me unto: wherein it shall appeare that there hath bene
nothing left undone by the Generals which was before
our going out undertaken by them, but that there hath
bene much more done then was at the first required by
Don Antonio, who should have reaped the fruit of our
adventure.
After 6 daies sailing from the coast of England, &
the 5 after we had the wind good being the 20 of April
in the evening, we landed in a baie more then an English
mile from the Groine, in our long boats and pinnasses
without any impeachment: from whence we presently
marched toward the towne, within one halfe mile we were
encountred by the enemie who being charged by ours,
retired into their gates. For that night our armie lay in
the villages, houses & mils next adjoining, and very neere
round about the towne, into the which the Galeon named
S. John (which was the second of the last yeeres Fleet
agaynst England) one hulke, two smaller ships and two
Gallies which were found in the road, did beate upon
us and upon our Companies as they passed too and fro
that night and the next morning. Generall Norris having
that morning before day viewed the Towne, found the
same defended on the land side (for it standeth upon the
necke of an Iland) with a wall upon a dry ditch: whereupon he resolved to trie in two places what might bee
done against it by escalade, and in the meane time advised
for the landing of some artillery to beat upon the ships
and gallies, that they might not annoy us; which being
put in execution, upon the planting of the first piece the
gallies abandoned the road, and betooke them to Feroll,
not farre from thence: and the Armada being beaten with
the artillery and musketers that were placed upon the
next shore, left her playing upon us. The rest of the
day was spent in preparing the companies, and other provisions ready for the surprise of the base towne, which
was effected in this sort.
There were appointed to be landed 1200 men under
the conduct of Colonell Huntley, and Captaine Fenner
the Viceadmirall, on that side next fronting us by water
in long boats and pinnesses, wherein were placed many
pieces of artillery to beat upon the towne in their aproch:
at the corner of the wall which defended the other water
side, were appointed Captaine Richard Wingfield
Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Norris, and Captaine
Sampson Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Drake to enter
at low water with 500 men if they found it passable, but
if not, to betake them to the escalade, for they had also
ladders with them: at the other corner of the wall which
joyned to that side that was attempted by water, were
appointed Colonell Umpton, and Colonell Bret with 300
men to enter by escalade. All the companies which
should enter by boat being imbarked before the low
water, and having given the alarme, Captaine Wingfield
and Captaine Sampson betoole them to the escalade, for
they had in commandement to charge all at one instant.
The boats landed without any great difficulty: yet had
they some men hurt in the landing. Colonell Bret and
Colonell Umpton entred their quarter without encounter,
not finding any defence made against them: for Captaine
Hinder being one of them that entred by water, at his
first entry, with some of his owne company whom he
trusted well, betooke himselfe to that part of the wall,
which he cleared before that they offered to enter, and so
still scoured the wall till hee came on the backe of them
who mainteined the fight against Captaine Wingfield and
Captaine Sampson; who were twise beaten from their
ladders, and found very good resistance, till the enemies
perceiving ours entred in two places at their backs, were
driven to abandon the same. The reason why that place
was longer defended then the other, is (as Don Juan de
Luna who commanded the same affirmeth) that the enemy
that day had resolved in councell how to make their
defences, if they were approched: and therein concluded,
that, if we attempted it by water, it was not able to be
held, and therefore upon the discovery of our boats, they
of the high towne should make a signall by fire from
thence, that all the low towne might make their retreat
thither: but they (whether troubled with the sudden terror
we brought upon them, or forgetting their decree) omitted
the fire, which made them guard that place til we were
entred on every side.
Then the towne being entred in three several places
with an huge cry, the inhabitants betooke them to the
high towne: which they might with lesse perill doe, for
that ours being strangers there, knew not the way to cut
them off. The rest that were not put to the sword in
fury, fled to the rocks in the Iland, and others hid themselves in chambers and sellers, which were every day
found out in great numbers.
Amongst those Don Juan de Luna, a man of very good
commandement, having hidden himselfe in a house, did
the next morning yeeld himselfe.
There was also taken that night a commissary of victuals called Juan de Vera, who confessed that there were
in the Groine at our entry 500 souldiers being in seven
companies which returned very weake (as appeareth by
the small numbers of them) from the journey of England,
namely:
| Under Don Juan de Luna |
Don Diego Barran, a bastard sonne of the
Marques of Santa Cruz; his company
was that night in the Galeon. |
| Don Antonio de Herera then at Madrid
. |
| Don Pedro de Manriques brother to the
Earle of Paxides. |
| Don Jeronimo de Mourray of the Order
of S. Juan, with some of the towne were
in the fort. |
| Don Gomez de Caramasal then at Madrid
. |
| Captaine Manco Caucaso de Socas. |
- Also there came in that day of our landing from Retanzas
the companies of Don Juan de Mosalle, and Don
Pedro poure de Leon
.
- Also he saith that there was order given for baking of
300000 of biscuit, some in Batansas, some in Ribadeo
,
and the rest there.
- There were then in the towne 2000 pipes of wine, and
150 in the ships.
- That there were lately come unto the Marques of Seralba
300000 ducats.
- That there were 1000 jarres of oile.
- A great quantity of beanes, peaze, wheat, and fish.
- That there were 3000 quintals of beefe.
- And that not twenty dayes before, there came in three
barks laden with match & harquebuzes.
Some others also found favour to be taken prisoners,
but the rest falling into the hands of the common
souldiers, had their throats cut, to the number of 500,
as I conjecture, first and last, after we had entred the
towne; and in the entry thereof there was found every
celler full of wine, whereon our men, by inordinate drinking, both grew themselves for the present senselesse of
the danger of the shot of the towne, which hurt many of
them being drunke, & tooke the first ground of their
sicknesse; for of such was our first and chiefest mortality.
There was also abundant store of victuals, salt, and all
kinde of provision for shipping and the warre: which
was confessed by the sayd Commissary of victuals taken
there, to be the beginning of a magasin of all sorts of
provision for a new voyage into England: whereby you
may conjecture what the spoile thereof hath advantaged
us, and prejudiced the king of Spaine.
The next morning about eight of the clocke the
enemies abandoned their ships. And having overcharged
the artillery of ye gallion, left her on fire, which burnt
in terrible sort two dayes together, the fire and overcharging of the pieces being so great, as of fifty that
were in her, there were not above sixteene taken out
whole; the rest with overcharge of the powder being
broken, and molten with heat of the fire, were taken
out in broken pieces into divers shippes. The same day
was the cloister on the South side of the towne entred
by us, which joyned very neere to the wall of the towne,
out of the chambers and other places whereof we beat
into the same with our musquetiers.
The next day in the afternoone there came downe
some 2000 men, gathered together out of the countrey,
even to the gates of the towne, as resolutely (ledde
by what spirit I know not) as though they would have
entred the same: but at the first defence made by ours
that had the guard there, wherein were slaine about
eighteene of theirs, they tooke them to their heeles in the
same disorder they made their approch, and with greater
speed then ours were able to follow: notwithstanding we
followed after them more then a mile. The second day
Colonell Huntley was sent into the countrey with three or
foure hundred men, who brought home very great store
of kine and sheepe for our reliefe.
The third day in the night the Generall had in purpose
to take a long munition-house builded upon their wall,
opening towards us, which would have given us great
advantage against them; but they knowing the commodity thereof for us, burnt it in the beginning of the
evening; which put him to a new councell: for he had
likewise brought some artillery to that side of the towne.
During this time there happened a very great fire in the
lower end of the towne; which, had it not bene by the
care of the Generals heedily seene unto, and the fury
thereof prevented by pulling downe many houses which
were most in danger, as next unto them, had burnt all the
provisions we found there, to our woonderfull hinderance.
The fourth day were planted under the gard of the
cloister two demy-canons, and two colverings against the
towne, defended or gabbioned with a crosse wall, thorow
the which our battery lay; the first and second tire
whereof shooke all the wall downe, so as all the ordinance
lay open to the enemy, by reason whereof some of the
Canoniers were shot and some slaine. The Lieutenant
also of the ordinance, M. Spencer, was slaine fast by
Sir Edward Norris, Master thereof: whose valour being
accompanied with an honourable care of defending that
trust committed unto him, never left that place, till he
received direction from the Generall his brother to cease
the battery, which he presently did, leaving a guard upon
the same for that day; and in the night following made
so good defence for the place of the battery, as after
there were very few or none annoyed therein. That
day Captaine Goodwin had in commandement from the
Generall, that when the assault should be given to the
towne, he should make a proffer of an escalade on the
other side, where he held his guard: but he (mistaking
the signall that should have bene given) attempted the
same long before the assault, and was shot in the mouth.
The same day the Generall having planted his ordinance
ready to batter, caused the towne to be summoned; in
which summons they of the towne shot at our Drum :
immediatly after that there was one hanged over the wall,
and a parle desired; wherein they gave us to understand,
that the man hanged was he that shot at the Drum
before: wherein also they intreated to have faire warres,
with promise of the same on their parts. The rest of
the parle was spent in talking of Don Juan de Luna, and
some other prisoners, and somewhat of the rendring of
the towne, but not much, for they listened not greatly
thereunto.
Generall Norris having by his skilfull view of the towne
(which is almost all seated upon a rocke) found one place
thereof mineable, did presently set workemen in hand
withall; who after three dayes labour (and the seventh
after we were entred the base towne) had bedded their
powder, but indeed not farre enough into the wall.
Against which time the breach made by the canon being
thought assaultable, and companies appointed as well to
enter the same, as that which was expected should be
blowen up by the mine: namely, to that of the canon,
Captaine Richard Wingfield, and Captaine Philpot, who
lead the Generals foot-companie, with whom also Captaine
Yorke went, whose principall commandement was over
the horsemen. And to that of the Myne, Captaine John
Sampson, and Captaine Anthonie Wingfield Lieutenant
Colonell to the Master of the Ordinance, with certaine
selected out of divers Regiments. All these companies
being in armes, and the assault intended to be given in
al places at an instant, fire was put to the traine of the
mine; but by reason the powder brake out backewards in
a place where the cave was made too high, there could
be nothing done in either place for that day. During this
time Captaine Hinder was sent with some chosen out
of every company into the countrey for provisions,
whereof he brought in good store, and returned without
losse.
The next day Captaine Anthony Sampson was sent
out with some 500 to fetch in provisions for the army,
who was encountred by them of the countrey, but he
put them to flight, and returned with good spoile. The
same night the Miners were set to worke againe, who
by the second day after had wrought very well into the
foundation of the wall. Against which time the companies
aforesayd being in readinesse for both places (Generall
Drake on the other side, with two or three hundred men
in pinnesses, making proffer to attempt a strong fort upon
an Iland before the towne, where he left more then thirty
men) fire was given to the traine of the mine, which blew
up halfe the tower under which the powder was planted.
The assailants having in charge upon the effecting of the
mine presently to give the assault, performed it accordingly: but too soone: for having entred the top of the
breach, the other halfe of the tower, which with the first
force of the powder was onely shaken and made loose, fell
upon our men: under which were buried about twenty or
thirty, then being under that part of the tower. This so
amazed our men that stood in the breach, not knowing
from whence that terror came, as they forsooke their
Commanders, and left them among the ruines of the mine.
The two Ensignes of Generall Drake and Captaine
Anthony Wingfield were shot in the breach, but their
colours were rescued: the Generals by Captaine Sampsons
Lieutenant, and Captaine Wingfields by himselfe.
Amongst them that the wall fell upon, was Captaine
Sydenham pitifully lost; who having three or foure great
stones upon his lower parts, was held so fast, as neither
himselfe could stirre, nor any reasonable company recover
him. Notwithstanding the next day being found to be
alive, there was ten or twelve lost in attempting to relieve
him.
The breach made by the canon was woonderfully well
assaulted by them that had the charge thereof, who
brought their men to the push of the pike at the top
of the breach. And being ready to enter, the loose earth
(which was indeed but the rubbish of the outside of the
wall) with the weight of them that were thereon slipped
outwards from under their feet. Whereby did appeare
halfe the wall unbattered. For let no man thinke that
culverin or demy-canon can sufficiently batter a defensible
rampire: and of those pieces which we had; the better of
the demy-canons at the second shot brake in her carriages,
so as the battery was of lesse force, being but of three
pieces.
In our retreat (which was from both breaches thorow a
narrow lane) were many of our men hurt: and Captaine
Dolphin, who served very well that day, was hurt in the
very breach. The failing of this attempt, in the opinion
of all the beholders, and of such as were of best judgement, was the fall of the mine; which had doubtlesse
succeeded, the rather, because the approch was unlooked
for by the enemy in that place, and therefore not so much
defence made there as in the other; which made the
Generall grow to a new resolution: for finding that two
dayes battery had so little beaten their wall, and that he
had no better preparation to batter withall : he knew in
his experience, there was no good to be done that way;
which I thinke he first put in proofe, to trie if by that
terror he could get the upper towne, having no other
way to put it in hazzard so speedily, and which in my
conscience had obtained the towne, had not the defendants
bene in as great perill of their lives by the displeasure of
their king in giving it up, as by the bullet or sword in
defending the same. For that day before the assault, in
the view of our army, they burnt a cloister within the
towne, and many other houses adjoyning to the castle,
to make it more defensible: whereby it appeared how
little opinion themselves had of holding it against us, had
not God (who would not have us suddenly made proud)
layed that misfortune upon us.
Hereby it may appeare, that the foure canons, and other
pieces of battery promised to the journey, and not performed, might have made her Majesty mistresse of the
Groine: for though the mine were infortunate, yet if the
other breach had bene such as the earth would have held
our men thereon, I doe not thinke but they had entred it
thorowly at the first assault given : which had bene more
then I have heard of in our age. And being as it was,
is no more then the Prince of Parma hath in winning of
all his townes endured, who never entred any place at the
first assault, nor above three by assault.
The next day the Generall hearing by a prisoner that
was brought in, that the Conde de Andrada had assembled
an armie of eight thousand at Puente de Burgos, sixe
miles from thence in the way to Petance, which was but
the beginning of an armie; in that there was a greater
leavie readie to come thither under the Conde de Altemira,
either in purpose to relieve the Groine, or to encampe
themselves neere the place of our embarking, there to
hinder the same; for to that purpose had the marquesse
of Seralba written to them both the first night of our
landing, as the Commissarie taken then confessed, or at
the least to stop our further entrance into the Countrey,
(for during this time, there were many incursions made of
three or foure hundred at a time, who burnt, spoyled, and
brought in victuals plentifully) the Generall, I say, hearing
of this armie, had in purpose the next day following to
visite them, agaynst whom hee caried but nine Regiments: in the vantgard were the Regiment of Sir Roger
Williams, Sir Edward Norris, and Colonell Sidney: in
the Battaile, that of the Generall, of
Colonell Lane, and
Colonel Medkerk: and in the Rereward, Sir Henrie
Norris, Colonell Huntley, and Colonell Brets Regiments;
leaving the other five Regiments with Generall Drake, for
the guard of the Cloister and Artillerie. About ten of
the clocke the next day, being the sixt of May, halfe a
mile from the campe, we discovering the enemy, Sir
Edward Norris, who commanded the vantgard in chiefe,
appointed his Lieutenant Colonell Captaine Anthonie
Wingfield to command the shot of the same, who divided
them into three troups; the one he appointed to Captaine
Middleton to be conducted in a way on the left hand:
another to Captaine Erington to take the way on the
right hand, and the body of them (which were Musquetiers) Captaine Wingfield tooke himselfe, keeping the
direct way of the march. But the way taken by Captaine
Middleton met a little before with the way held by
Captaine Wingfield, so as he giving the first charge upon
the enemy, was in the instant seconded by Captaine
Wingfield, who beat them from place to place (they
having very good places of defence, and crosse walles
which they might have held long) till they betooke them
to their bridge, which is over a creeke comming out of
the Sea, builded of stone upon arches. On the foot of
the further side whereof, lay the Campe of the enemy very
strongly entrenched, who with our shot beaten to the
further end of the bridge, Sir Edward Norris marching in
the point of the pikes, without stay passed to the bridge,
accompanied with Colonell Sidney, Captaine Hinder,
Captaine Fulford, and divers others, who found the way
cleare over the same, but through an incredible volley of
shot; for that the shot of their army flanked upon both
sides of the bridge, the further end whereof was barricaded
with barrels: but they who should have guarded the
same, seeing the proud approch we made, forsooke the
defence of the barricade, where Sir Edward entered, and
charging the first defendant with his pike, with very
earnestnesse in overthrusting, fell, and was grievously
hurt at the sword in the head, but was most honourably
rescued by the Generall his brother, accompanied with
Colonell Sidney, and some other gentlemen: Captaine
Hinder also having his Caske shot off, had five wounds
in the head and face at the sword: and Captaine Fulford
was shot into the left arme at the same encounter: yet
were they so thorowly seconded by the Generall, who
thrust himselfe so neere to give encouragement to the
attempt (which was of woonderfull difficulty) as their
bravest men that defended that place being overthrowen,
their whole army fell presently into rout, of whom our
men had the chase three miles in foure sundry wayes,
which they betooke themselves unto. There was taken
the Standerd with the Kings armes, and borne before the
Generall. How many two thousand men (for of so many
consisted our vantgard) might kill in pursuit of foure
sundry parties, so many you may imagine fell before us
that day. And to make the number more great, our men
having given over the execution, and returning to their
standes, found many hidden in the Vineyards and hedges,
which they dispatched. Also Colonell Medkerk was sent
with his regiment three miles further to a Cloister, which
he burnt and spoiled, wherein he found two hundred more,
& put them to the sword. There were slaine in this
fight on our side onely Captaine Cooper, and one private
souldier; Captaine Barton was also hurt upon the bridge
in the eye. But had you seene the strong baricades they
had made on either side of the bridge, and how strongly
they lay encamped thereabouts, you would have thought
it a rare resolution of ours to give so brave a charge upon
an army so strongly lodged. After the furie of the
execution, the Generall sent the vantgard one way, and
the battell another, to burne and spoile; so as you might
have seene the countrey more then three miles compasse
on fire. There was found very good store of munition
and victuals in the Campe, some plate and rich apparell,
which the better sort left behinde, they were so hotly
pursued. Our sailers also landed in an Iland next
adjoyning to our ships, where they burnt and spoiled all
they found. Thus we returned to the Groine, bringing
small comfort to the enemy within the same, who shot
many times at us as we marched out; but not once in our
comming backe againe.
The next day was spent in shipping our artillery landed
for the battery, and of the rest taken at the Groine,
which had it bene such as might have given us any
assurance of a better battery, or had there bene no other
purpose of our journey but that, I thinke the Generall
would have spent some more time in the siege of the
place.
The two last nights, there were that undertooke to fire
the higher towne in one place, where the houses were
builded upon the wall by the water side; but they within
suspecting as much, made so good defence against us, as
they prevented the same. In our departure there was fire
put into every house of the low towne, insomuch as I may
justly say, there was not one house left standing in the
base towne, or the cloister.
The next day being the eight of May, we embarked our
army without losse of a man, which (had we not beaten
the enemy at Puente de Burgos) had bene impossible to
have done; for that without doubt they would have
attempted something against us in our imbarking: as
appeared by the report of the Commissary aforesayd, who
confessed, that the first night of our landing the Marques
of Seralba writ to the Conde de Altemira, the Conde de
Andrada, and to Terneis de Santisso, to bring all the
forces against us that they could possible raise, thinking
no way so good to assure that place, as to bring an army
thither, wherewithall they might either besiege us in their
base towne, if we should get it, or to lie betweene us and
our place of imbarking, to fight with us upon the advantage; for they had above 5000 souldiers under their
commandements.
After we had put from thence, we had the winde so
contrary, as we could not under nine dayes recover the
Burlings: in which passage on the thirteenth day the
Earle of Essex, and with him M. Walter Devereux his
brother (a Gentleman of woonderfull great hope) Sir Roger
Williams Colonell generall of the footmen, Sir Philip
Butler, who hath alwayes bene most inward with him, and
Sir Edward Wingfield, came into the fleet. The Earle
having put himselfe into the journey against the opinion
of the world, and as it seemed to the hazzard of his great
fortune, though to the great advancement of his reputation, (for as the honourable cariage of himselfe towards all
men doth make him highly esteemed at home; so did his
exceeding forwardnesse in all services make him to be
woondered at amongst us) who, I say, put off in the same
winde from Falmouth, that we left Plimmouth in, where
he lay, because he would avoid the importunity of
messengers that were dayly sent for his returne, and
some other causes more secret to himselfe, not knowing
(as it seemed) what place the Generals purposed to land
in, had bene as farre as Cadiz
in
Andaluzia, and lay up
and downe about the
South Cape, where he tooke some
ships laden with corne, and brought them unto the fleet.
Also in his returne from thence to meet with our fleet, he
fell with the
Ilands of Bayon; and on that side of the
river which Cannas standeth upon, he, with Sir Roger
Williams, and those Gentlemen that were with him went
on shore, with some men out of the ship he was in, whom
the enemy, that held guard upon that coast, would not
abide, but fled up into the countrey.
The 16 day we landed at Peniche
in
Portugall, under
the shot of the castle, and above the waste in water,
more then a mile from the towne, wherein many were in
perill of drowning, by reason the winde was great, and
the sea went high, which overthrew one boat, wherein
five and twenty of Captaine Dolphins men perished. The
enemy being five companies of Spaniards under the commandement of the Conde de Fuentes, sallied out of the
towne against us, and in our landing made their approch
close by the water side. But the Earle of Essex with Sir
Roger Williams, and his brother, having landed sufficient
number to make two troups, left one to holde the way by
the water side, and led the other over the Sandhils; which
the enemy seeing, drew theirs likewise further into the
land; not, as we conjectured, to encounter us, but indeed
to make their speedy passage away: notwithstanding,
they did it in such sort, as being charged by ours which
were sent out by the Colonell generall under Captaine
Jackson, they stood the same even to the push of the
pike: in which charge and at the push, Captaine Robert
Piew was slaine. The enemy being fled further then we
had reason to follow them, all our companies were drawen
to the towne; which being unfortified in any place, we
found undefended by any man against us. And therefore
the Generall caused the castle to be summoned that night;
which being abandoned by him that commanded it, a
Portugall named Antonio de Aurid, being possessed
thereof, desired but to be assured that Don Antonio was
landed, whereupon he would deliver the same; which he
honestly performed. There was taken out of the castle
some hundred shot and pikes, which Don Emanuel furnished his Portugals withall, and twenty barrels of
powder: so as possessing both the towne and the castle,
we rested there one day : wherein some Friers and other
poore men came unto their new king, promising in the
name of their country next adjoyning, that within two
dayes he should have a good supply of horse and foote
for his assistance. That day we remained there, the
Generals company of horses were unshipped.
The Generals there fully resolved, that the Armie should
march over land to Lisbone under the conduct of Generall
Norris; and that Generall Drake should meete him in the
river therof with the Fleete; that there should be one
Company of foote left in garde of the Castle, and sixe in
the ships: also that the sicke & hurt should remaine there
with provisions for their cures. The Generall, to trie the
event of the matter by expedition, the next day beganne to
march in this sort: his owne Regiment, and the Regiment
of Sir Roger Williams, Sir Henrie Norris,
Colonell Lane,
and Colonell Medkerk, in the vantgard: Generall Drake,
Colonell Devereux, Sir Edward Norris, and Colonell
Sidneis in the battell : Sir James Hales, Sir Edward
Wingfield, Colonell Umptons, Colonell Huntlies, and
Colonell Brets in the arrereward. By that time our army
was thus marshalled, Generall Drake, although hee were
to passe by Sea, yet to make knowen the honorable desire
he had of taking equall part of all fortunes with us, stood
upon the ascent of an hill, by the which our battalions
must of necessity march, and with a pleasing kindnesse
tooke his leave severally of the Commanders of every
regiment, wishing us all most happy successe in our
journey over the land, with a constant promise that he
would, if the injury of the weather did not hinder him,
meet us in the
river of Lisbon with our fleet. The want
of cariages the first day was such, as they were enforced
to cary their munition upon mens backs, which was the
next day remedied.
In this march Captaine Crispe the Provost Marshall
caused one who (contrary to the Proclamation published
at our arrivall in
Portugall) had broken up an house for
pillage, to be hanged, with the cause of his death upon
his breast, in the place where the act was committed:
which good example providently given in the beginning
of our march, caused the commandement to be more
respectivly regarded all the journey after, by them whom
feare of punishment doeth onely holde within compasse.
The campe lodged that night at
Lorinha: the next day we
had intelligence all the way, that the enemy had made
head of horse and foot against us at Torres Vedras, which
we thought they would have held: but comming thither
the second day of our march, not two houres before our
vantgard came in, they left the towne and the castle to
the possession of Don Antonio.
There began the greatest want we had of victuals,
especially of bread, upon a commandement given from
the Generall, that no man should spoile the countrey,
or take any thing from any Portugall: which was more
respectively observed, then I thinke would have bene
in our owne countrey, amongst our owne friends and
kindred: but the countrey (contrary to promise) wholly
neglected the provision of victuals for us, whereby we
were driven for that time into a great scarsity. Which
mooved the Colonell generall to call all the Colonels
together, and with them to advise for some better course
for our people: who thought it best, first to advertise
the king what necessity we were in, before we should of
our selves alter the first institution of abstinence. The
Colonell generall having acquainted the Generall herewith, with his very good allowance thereof, went to the
king; who after some expostulations used, tooke the
more carefull order for our men, and after that our army
was more plentifully relieved.
The third day we lodged our army in three sundry
villages, the one battalion lying in
Exarama de los Cavalleros, another in
Exarama do Obispo, and the third in
San Sebastian.
Captaine Yorke who commanded the Generals horse
company, in this march made triall of the valour of the
horsemen of the enemy; who by one of his Corporals
charged with eight horses thorow 40 of them, & himselfe
thorow more then 200 with some forty horses: who
would abide him no longer then they could make way
from him.
The next day we marched to Lores, and had divers
intelligences that the enemy would tary us there: for the
Cardinall had made publique promise to them of Lisbon
,
that he would fight with us in that place, which he might
have done advantageously; for we had a bridge to passe
over in the same place: but before our comming he dislodged, notwithstanding it appeared unto us that he had
in purpose to encampe there; for we found the ground
staked out where their trenches should have bene made:
and their horsemen with some few shot shewed themselves
upon an hill at our comming into that village; whom Sir
Henry Norris (whose regiment had the point of the vant
gard) thought to draw unto some fight, and therfore
marched without sound of drumme, and somewhat faster
then ordinary, thereby to get neere them before he were
discovered, for he was shadowed from them by an hill that
was betweene him and them: but before he could draw
his companies any thing neere, they retired.
General Drakes regiment that night, for the commodity
of good lodging, drew themselves into a village, more
then one English mile from thence, and neere the enemy:
who not daring to do any thing against us in foure dayes
before, tooke that occasion, and in the next morning fell
downe upon that regiment, crying, Viva el Rey Don
Antonio, which was a generall salutation thorow all the
Countrey as they came: whom our yoong Souldiers
(though it were upon their guard, and before the watch
were discharged) began to entertaine kindly, but having
got within their guard, they fell to cut their throats: but
the alarme being taken inwards, the officers of the two
next Companies, whose Captaines (Captaine Sydnam and
Captaine Young) were lately dead at the Groine, brought
downe their colours and pikes upon them in so resolute
maner, as they presently drave them to retire with losse:
they killed of ours at their first entrance fourteene, and
hurt sixe or seven.
The next day we lodged at
Alvelana within three miles
of Lisbon
, where many of our souldiers drinking in two
places of standing waters by the way were poisoned, and
thereon presently died. Some do thinke it came rather
by eating of hony, which they found in the houses plentifully. But whether it were by water or by hony, the
poore men were poisoned.
That night the Earle of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams
went out about eleven of the clocke with 1000 men to
lie in ambuscade neere the towne, and having layed the
same very neere, sent some to give the alarme unto
the enemy: which was well performed by them that had
the charge thereof, but the enemy refused to issue after
them, so as the Earle returned assoone as it was light
without doing any thing, though he had in purpose,
and was ready to have given an honourable charge on
them.
The 25 of May in the evening we came to the suburbs
of Lisbon
: at the very entrance whereof Sir Roger
Williams calling Captaine Anthony Wingfield with him,
tooke thirty shot or thereabouts, and first scowred all the
streets till they came very neere the towne; where they
found none but olde folks and beggers, crying, Viva el
Rey Don Antonio, and the houses shut up: for they
had caried much of their wealth into the towne, and had
fired some houses by the water side, full of come and
other provisions of victuals, least we should be benefited
thereby, but yet left behinde them great riches in many
houses.
The foure regiments that had the vantgard that day,
which were Colonell Devereux, Sir Edward Norris,
Colonell Sidneys, and Generall Drakes (whom I name
as they marched) the Colonell generall caused to holde
guard in the neerest streets of the Suburbs: the battell
and the arreward stood in armes all the night in the field
neere to Alcantara
. Before morning Captaine Wingfield,
by direction from the Colonell generall Sir Roger
Williams, held guard with Sir Edward Norris his regiment in three places very neere the towne wall, and so
held the same till the other regiments came in the morning. About midnight they within the towne burnt all
their houses that stood upon their wall either within or
without, least we possessing them, might thereby greatly
have annoyed the towne.
The next morning Sir Roger Williams attempted (but
not without peril) to take a Church called S. Antonio,
which joyned to the wall of the towne, and would have
bene a very evill neighbor to the towne: but the enemy
having more easie entry into it then we gained it before
us. The rest of that morning was spent in quartering
the battell and arrereward in the Suburbs called Bona
Vista, and in placing Musquetiers in houses, to front their
shot upon the wall, who from the same scowred the great
streets very dangerously.
By this time our men being thorowly weary with our
sixe dayes march, and the last nights watch, were desirous
of rest: whereof the enemy being advertised, about one
or two of the clocke sallied out of the towne, and made
their approch in three severall streets upon us, but chiefly
in Colonell Brets quarter: who (as most of the army was)
being at rest, with as much speed as he could, drew his
men into armes, and made head against them so thorowly,
as himselfe was slaine in the place, Captaine Carsey shot
thorow the thigh, of which hurt he died within foure
dayes after, Captaine Carre slaine presently, and Captaine Cave hurt (but not mortally) who were all of his
regiment.
This resistance made aswell here, as in other quarters
where
Colonell Lane and Colonell Medkerk commanded,
put them to a sudden foule retreat; insomuch, as the
Earle of Essex had the chase of them even to the gates
of the high towne, wherein they left behinde them many
of their best Commanders: their troupe of horsemen also
came out, but being charged by Captaine Yorke, withdrew themselves againe. Many of them also left the
streets, and betooke them to houses which they found
open: for the Sergeant major Captaine Wilson slew in
one house with his owne hands three or foure, and caused
them that were with him to kill many others. Their losse
I can assure you did triple ours, aswell in quality as in
quantity.
During our march to this place, Generall Drake with
the whole fleet was come into Cascais
, and possessed the
towne without any resistance: many of the inhabitants
at their discovery of our navy, fledde with their baggage
into the mountaines, and left the towne for any man that
would possesse it, till Generall Drake sent unto them by
a Portugall Pilot which he had on boord, to offer them
all peaceable kindnesse, so farre foorth as they would
accept of their King, and minister necessaries to the army
he had brought; which offer they joyfully imbraced, and
presently sent two chiefe men of their towne, to signifie
their loyalty to Don Antonio, and their honest affections
to our people. Whereupon the Generall landed his companies not farre from the Cloister called San Domingo,
but not without perill of the shot of the castle, which being
guarded with 65 Spaniards, held still against him.
As our fleet were casting ancre when they came first
into that road, there was a small ship of Brasil
that came
from thence, which bare with them, and seemed by
striking her sailes, as though she would also have ancred :
but taking her fittest occasion hoised againe, and would
have passed up the river, but the Generall presently
discerning her purpose, sent out a pinnesse or two after
her, which forced her in such sort, as she ran herselfe
upon the Rocks: all the men escaped out of her, and
the lading (being many chests of sugar) was made nothing
woorth, by the salt water. In his going thither also, he
tooke ships of the port of Portugall, which were sent
from thence, with fifteene other from Pedro Vermendes
Xantes Sergeant major of the same place, laden with men
and victuals to Lisbon
: the rest that escaped put into
Setuvel.
The next day it pleased Generall Norris to call all the
Colonels together, and to advise with them, whether it
were more expedient to tary there to attend the forces
of the Portugall horse and foot, whereof the King had
made promise, and to march some convenient number
to Cascais
to fetch our artillery and munition, which was
all at our ships, saving that which for the necessity of
the service was brought along with us: whereunto, some
caried away with the vaine hope of Don Antonio, that
most part of the towne stood for us, held it best to
make our abode there, and to send some 3000 for our
artillery : promising to themselves, that the enemy being
wel beaten the day before, would make no more sallies:
some others (whose unbeliefe was very strong of any
hope from the Portugall) perswaded rather to march
wholly away, then to be any longer carried away with the
opinion of things, whereof there was so little appearance.
The Generall not willing to leave any occasion of blotte
to be layed upon him for his speedy going from thence,
nor to lose any more time by attending the hopes of
Don Antonio; tolde them, that though the expedition
of Portugall were not the onely purpose of their journey,
but an adventure therein (which if it succeeded prosperously, might make them sufficiently rich, and woonderfull
honourable) and that they had done so much already in
triall thereof, as what end soever happened, could nothing
impaire their credits: yet in regard of the Kings last
promise, that he should have that night 3000 men armed
of his owne Countrey, he would not for that night dislodge. And if they came, thereby to make him so strong,
that he might send the like number for his munition, he
would resolve to trie his fortune for the towne. But if
they came not, he found it not convenient to divide his
forces, by sending any to Cascais
, and keeping a
remainder behinde, sithence he saw them the day before
so boldly sally upon his whole army, and knew that they
were stronger of Souldiours armed within the towne, then
he was without: and that before our returne could be
from Cascais
, the expected more supplies from all places,
of Souldiours: for the Duke of Braganca, and Don
Francisco de Toledo were looked for with great reliefe.
Whereupon his conclusion was, that if the 3000 promised came not that night, to march wholly away the
next morning.
It may be here demanded, why a matter of so great
moment should be so slenderly regarded, as that the
Generall should march with such an army against such
an enemy, before he knew either the fulnesse of his
owne strength, or certaine meanes how he should abide
the place when he should come to it. Wherein I pray
you remember the Decrees made in the Councell at
Peniche
, and confirmed by publique protestation the first
day of our march, that our navy should meet us in the
river of Lisbon, in the which was the store of all our
provisions, and so the meane of our tariance in that place,
which came not, though we continued till we had no
munition left to entertaine a very small fight. We are
also to consider, that the King of Portugall (whether
carried away with imagination by the advertisements he
received from the Portugals, or willing by any promise to
bring such an army into his Countrey, thereby to put his
fortune once more in triall) assured the Generall, that
upon his first landing, there would be a revolt of his
subjects : whereof there was some hope given at our first
entry to Peniche
, by the maner of the yeelding of that
towne and fort, which made the Generall thinke it most
convenient speedily to march to the principall place,
thereby to give courage to the rest of the Countrey. The Friers also and the poore people that came unto him
promised, that within two dayes the gentlemen and others
of the Countrey would come plentifully in: within which
two dayes came many more Priests, and some very few
gentlemen on horsebacke; but not til we came to Torres
Vedras: where they that noted the course of things how
they passed, might somewhat discover the weaknesse of
that people. There they tooke two dayes more; and at
the end thereof referred him till our comming to Lisbon
,
with assurance, that so soone as our army should be seene
there, all the inhabitants would be for the King and fall
upon the Spaniards.
After two nights tariance at Lisbon
, the King, as you
have heard, promised a supply of 3000 foot, and some
horse: but all his appointments being expired, even to the
last of a night, all his horse could not make a cornet of
40, nor his foot furnish two ensignes fully, although they
caried three or foure colours: and these were altogether
such as thought to inrich themselves by the ruine of their
neighbours: for they committed more disorders in every
place where we came by spoile, then any of our owne.
The Generall, as you see, having done more then before
his comming out of England was required by the King,
and given credit to his many promises, even to the breach
of the last, he desisted not to perswade him to stay yet
nine dayes longer: in which time he might have engaged
himselfe further, then with any honour he could come out
of againe, by attempting a towne fortified, wherein were
more men armed against us, then we had to oppugne
them withall, our artillery and munition being fifteene
miles from us, and our men then declining; for there was
the first shew of any great sickenesse amongst them.
Whereby it seemeth, that either his prelacy did much
abuse him in perswading him to hopes, whereof after two
or three dayes he saw no semblance: or he like a silly
lover, who promiseth himselfe favor by importuning a coy
mistresse, thought by our long being before his towne,
that in the end taking pity on him, they would let him in.
What end the Friers had by following him with such
devotion, I know not, but sure I am, the Laity did respite
their homage till they might see which way the victory
would sway; fearing to shew themselves apparantly unto
him; least the Spaniard should after our departure (if we
prevailed not) call them to account: yet sent they under
hand messages to him of obedience, thereby to save their
owne, if he became King; but indeed very well contented
to see the Spaniards and us try by blowes, who should
carry away the crowne. For they be of so base a mould,
as they can very wel subject themselves to any government, where they may live free from blowes, and have
liberty to become rich, being loth to endure hazzard either
of life or goods. For durst they have put on any minds
thorowly to revolt, they had three woonderfull good occasions offered them during our being there.
Themselves did in generall confesse, that there were
not above 5000 Spaniards in that part of the Countrey, of
which number the halfe were out of the towne till the last
day of our march: during which time, how easily they
might have prevailed against the rest, any man may
conceive. But upon our approch they tooke them all in,
and combined themselves in generall to the Cardinall.
The next day after our comming thither, when the sally
was made upon us by their most resolute Spaniards, how
easily might they have kept them out, or have given us
the gate which was held for their retreat, if they had had
any thought thereof.
And two dayes after our comming to Cascais
, when
6000 Spaniards and Portugals came against us as farre
as S. Julians by land, as you shal presently heare (all
which time I thinke there were not many Spaniards left
in the towne) they had a more fit occasion to shew their
devotion to the King, then any could be offered by our
tarying there. And they could not doubt, that if they
had shut them out, but that we would have fought with
them upon that advantage, having sought them in
Galitia
upon disadvantage to beat them: and having taken so
much paines to seeke them at their owne houses, whereof
we gave sufficient testimony in the same accident. But I
thinke the feare of the Spaniard had taken so deepe
impression within them, as they durst not attempt any
thing against them upon any hazzard.
For, what civill countrey hath ever suffered themselves
to be conquered by so few men as they were; to be
deprived of their naturall King, and to be tyrannized over
thus long, but they? And what countrey, living in
slavery under a stranger whom they naturally hate,
having an army in the field to fight for them and their
liberty, would lie still with the yoke upon their necks,
attending if any strangers would unburthen them, without
so much as rousing themselves under it, but they? They
will promise much in speeches, for they be great talkers,
whom the Generall had no reason to distrust without
triall, and therefore marched on into their countrey: but
they performed little in action, whereof we could have had
no proofe without this thorow triall. Wherein he hath
discovered their weaknesse, and honorably performed
more then could be in reason expected of him: which had
he not done, would not these maligners, who seeke
occasions of slander, have reported him to be suspicious
of a people, of whose infidelity he had no testimony: and
to be fearefull without cause, if he had refused to give
credit to their promises without any adventure? Let no
frivolously questionist therefore further enquire why he
marched so many dayes to Lisbon
, and taried there so
small a while.
The next morning, seeing no performance of promise
kept, he gave order for our marching away; himselfe,
the Earle of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams remaining
with the stand that was made in the high street, till the
whole army was drawen into the field, and so marched out
of the towne, appointing Captaine Richard Wingfield,
and Captaine Anthony Wingfield in the arrereward of
them with the shot; thinking that the enemy (as it was
most likely) would have issued out upon our rising; but
they were otherwise advised. When we were come into
the field, every battalion fell into that order which by
course appertained unto them, and so marched that night
unto Cascais
. Had we marched thorow his Countrey as
enemies, our Souldiers had beene well supplied in all their
wants: but had we made enemies of the Suburbs of
Lisbon, we had beene the richest army that ever went out
of England: for besides the particular wealth of every
house, there were many Warehouses by the water side
full of all sorts of rich marchandizes.
In our march that day the gallies which had somewhat,
but not much, annoyed us at Lisbon
, (for that our way
lay along the river) attended us till we were past S.
Julians, bestowing many shot amongst us, but did no
harme at all, saving that they strooke off a gentlemans
leg, & killed the Sergeant majors moile under him. The
horsemen also followed us afarre off, and cut off as many
sicke men as were not able to holde in march, nor we
had cariage for.
After we had bene two dayes at Cascais
, we had intelligence by a Frier, that the enemy was marching strongly
towards us, and then came as farre as S. Julian: which
newes was so welcome to the Earle of Essex and the
Generals, as they offered every one of them to give the
messenger an hundred crownes if they found them in the
place; for the Generall desiring nothing more then to
fight with them in field roome, dispatched that night a
messenger with a trumpet, by whom he writ a cartell to
the Generall of their army, wherein he gave them the lie,
in that it was by them reported that we dislodged from
Lisbon
in disorder and feare of them (which indeed was
most false) for that it was five of the clocke in the morning
before we fell into armes, and then went in such sort, as
they had no courage to follow out upon us. Also he
challenged him therein, to meet him the next morning
with his whole army, if he durst attend his comming, and
there to try out the justnesse of their quarrel by battell:
by whom also the Earle of Essex (who preferring the
honor of the cause, which was his countreys, before his
owne safety) sent a particular cartel, offering himselfe
against any of theirs, if they had any of his quality; or
if they would not admit of that; sixe, eight, or tenne, or
as many as they would appoint, should meet so many of
theirs in the head of our battell to trie their fortunes with
them; and that they should have assurance of their
returne and honourable intreaty.
The Generall accordingly made all his army ready by
three of the clocke in the morning and marched even
to the place where they had encamped, but they were
dislodged in the night in great disorder, being taken with
a sudden feare that we had bene come upon them, as the
Generall was the next day certainely informed: so as the
Trumpet followed them to Lisbon
, but could not get
other answere to either of his letters, but threatening to
be hanged, for daring to bring such a message. Howbeit the Generall had caused to be written upon the
backside of their pasport, that if they did offer any
violence unto the messengers, he would hang the best
prisoners he had of theirs: which made them to advise
better of the matter, and to returne them home; but
without answere.
After our army came to Cascais
, and the castle summoned, the Castellan thereof granted, that upon five or
sixe shot of the canon he would deliver the same, but not
without sight thereof. The Generall thinking that his
distresse within had bene such for want of men or victuals
as he could not holde it many dayes, because he saw it
otherwise defensible enough, determined rather to make
him yeeld to that necessity, then to bring the cannon,
and therefore onely set a guard upon the same, least
any supply of those things which he wanted should be
brought unto them. But he still standing upon those
conditions, the Generall about two dayes before he determined to goe to Sea, brought three or foure pieces of
battery against it: upon the first tire whereof he surrendered, and compounded to go away with his baggage
and armies; he had one canon, two culverings, one
basiliske, and three or foure other field pieces, threescore and five Souldiours, very good store of munition,
and victualles enough in the Castle; insomuch as he
might have held the same longer then the Generall had
in purpose to tarry there. One company of footmen was
put into the guard thereof, till the artillery was taken
out, and our army embarked; which without having that
fort, we could not without great perill have done. When
we were ready to set saile (one halfe of the fort being
by order from the Generall blowen up by mine) the company was drawne away.
During the time we lay in the road, our fleet began
the second of June, and so continued sixe dayes after
to fetch in some hulks to the number of threescore, of
Dansik, Stetin, Rostock
, Lubeck
& Hamburgh, laden
with Spanish goods, and as it seemed for the kings provision, and going for Lisbon
: their principall lading was
Corne, Masts, Cables, Copper, and Waxe: amongst which
were some of great burthen woonderful well builded for
sailing, which had no great lading in them, and therefore
it was thought that they were brought for the kings
provision, to reinforce his decayed navy: whereof there
was the greater likelyhood, in that the owner of the
greatest of them which caried two misnes, was knowen
to be very inward with the Cardinall, who rather then he
would be taken with his ships, committed himselfe unto
his small boat, wherein he recovered S. Sebastians : into
the which our men, that before were in flieboats, were
shipped, and the flieboats sent home with an offer of
corne, to the value of their hire. But the winde being
good for them for Rochel, they chose rather to lose their
corne then the winde, and so departed. The Generall
also sent his horses with them, and from thence shipped
them into England.
The third of June, Colonell Devereux and Colonell
Sidney, being both very sicke, departed for England, who
in the whole journey had shewed themselves very forward
to all services, and in their departure very unwilling to
leave us: that day we imbarked all our army, but lay in
the road untill the eight thereof.
The sixt day the Earle of Essex, upon receit of letters
from her Majesty, by them that brought in the victuals,
presently departed towards England, with whom Sir
Roger Williams was very desirous to go, but found the
Generals very unwilling he should do so, in that he bare
the next place unto them, and if they should miscarry, was
to command the army. And the same day there came
unto us two small barks that brought tidings of some
other shippes come out of England with victuals, which
were passed upwards to the Cape: for meeting with
whom, the second day after we set saile for that place,
in purpose after our meeting with them to go with the
Iles of Alcores, the second day, which was the ninth,
we met with them comming backe againe towards us,
whose provision little answered our expectation. Notwithstanding we resolved to continue our course for the
Ilands.
About this time was the Marchant-Royall, with three
or foure other ships, sent to Peniche
, to fetch away the
companies that were left there; but Captaine Barton
having received letters from the Generals that were sent
overland, was departed before, not being able by reason
of the enemies speedy marching thither, either to bring
away the artillery, or all his men, according to the direction those letters gave him; for he was no sooner gone,
then the enemy possessed the town and castle, and shot
at our ships as they came into the road.
At this time also was the Ambassador from the
Emperor of Marocco, called Reys Hamet Bencasamp,
returned, and with him M. Ciprian, a Gentleman of good
place and desert, was sent from Don Antonio, and Captaine Ousley from the Generals to the Emperor.
The next morning the nine gallies which were sent not
five dayes before out of Andaluzia for the strengthening
of the
river of Lisbon (which being joyned with the other
twelve that were there before, though we lay hard by them
at S. Julians, durst never make any attempt against us)
upon our departure from thence were returning home, and
in the morning being a very dead calme, in the dawning
thereof, fell in the winde of our fleet, in the uttermost part
whereof they assailed one stragling barke of Plimmouth,
of the which Captaine Caverley being Captaine of the land
company, with his Lieutenant, the Master, and some of
the Mariners abandoned the ship, and betooke them to
the ship-boats, whereof one, in which the Master and the
Captaine were, was overrunne with the gallies, and they
drowned. There were also two hulks stragled farre from
the strength of the other ships, which were so calmed, as
neither they could get to us, nor we to them, though all
the great shippes towed with their boats to have relieved
them, but could not be recovered; in one of which was
Captaine Minshaw with his company, who fought with
them to the last, yea after his ship was on fire, which
whether it was fired by himselfe or by them we could not
wel discerne, but might easily judge by his long and good
fight, that the enemy could not but sustaine much losse:
who setting also upon one other hulke wherein was but a
Lieutenant, and he very sicke, were by the valour of the
Lieutenant put off, although they had first beaten her
with their artillery, and attempted to boord her. And
seeing also one other hulke a league off, a sterne off us,
they made towards her: but finding that she made ready
to fight with them, they durst not further attempt her:
whereby it seemed, their losse being great in the other
fights, they were loth to proceed any further.
From that day till the 19 of June, our direction from
the Generall was, that if the wind were Northerly, we
should plie for the Acores
; but if Southerly, for the
Iles
of Bayon. We lay with contrary windes about that place
and the Rocke, till the Southerly winde prevailing carried
us to Bayon
: part of our ships to the number of 25, in
a great winde which was two dayes before, having lost
the Admirals and fleet, according to their direction, fell
in the morning of that day with Bayon
, among whom
was Sir Henry Norris in the Ayde; who had in purpose
(if the Admirals had not come in) with some 500 men out
of them all to have landed, and attempted the taking of
Vigo
. The rest of the fleet held with Generall Drake,
who though he were two dayes before put upon those
Ilands, cast off againe to sea for the Acores
: but remembring how unprovided he was for that journey and seeing
that he had lost company of his great ships, returned
for Bayon
, and came in there that night in the evening,
where he passed up the river more then a mile above
Vigo
.
The next morning we landed as many as were able
to fight, which were not in the whole above 2000 men,
(for in the 17 dayes we continued on boord we had cast
many of our men overboord) with which number the
Colonell generall marched to the towne of Vigo
, neere
the which when he approched, he sent Captaine Anthony
Wingfield with a troupe of shot to enter one side of
the same, who found upon every streets end a strong
barricade, but altogether abandoned; for having entred
the towne, he found but one man therein, but might see
them making way before him to Bayon
. On the other
side of the towne entred Generall Drake with Captaine
Richard Wingfield, whose approch on that side (I thinke)
made them leave the places they had so artificially made
for defence: there were also certaine shippes sent with the
Vice-admirall to lie close before the towne, to beat upon
the same with their artillery.
In the afternoone were sent 300 under the conduct of
Captaine Petuin and Captaine Henry Poure, to burne
another village betwixt that and Bayon
, called Borsis, and
as much of the country as the day would give them leave
to do; which was a very pleasant rich valley: but they
burnt it all, houses and corne, as did others on the other
side of the towne, both that and the next day, so as
the countrey was spoiled seven or eight miles in length
There was found great store of wine in the towne, but
not any thing els: for the other dayes warning of the
shippes that came first in, gave them a respit to cary all
away.
The next morning by breake of the day the Colonell
generall (who in the absence of the Generals that were
on boord their ships, commanded that night on shore)
caused all our companies to be drawen out of the towne,
and sent in two troups to put fire in every house of the
same: which done, we imbarked againe.
This day there were certaine Mariners which (without
any direction) put themselves on shore, on the contrary
side of the river from us for pillage; who were beaten
by the enemy from their boats, and punished by the
Generals for their offer, in going without allowance.
The reasons why we attempted nothing against Bayon
were before shewed to be want of artillery, and may now
be alledged to be the small number of our men: who
should have gone against so strong a place, manned with
very good souldiers, as was shewed by Juan de Vera
taken at the Groine, who confessed that there were sixe
hundred olde Souldiers in garrison there of Flanders, and
the Tercios of Naples, lately also returned out of the
journey of England.
| Under the leading of | Capitan Puebla. |
| Christofero Vasques de Viralta a souldier of
Flanders. |
| Don Pedro Camascho, del tercio de Napoles
. |
| Don Francisco de Cespedes. |
| Cap. Juan de Solo, del tercio de Naples
. |
| Don Diego de Cassava. |
| Cap. Sauban. |
Also he sayth there be 18 pieces of brasse, and foure
of yron, lately layed upon the walles of the towne,
besides them that were there before.
The same day the Generals seeing what weake estate
our army was drawn into by sicknesse, determined to
man and victuall twenty of the best ships for the
Ilands
of Acores with Generall Drake, to see if he could meet
with the Indian fleet, and Generall Norris to returne
home with the rest: And for the shifting of men and
victualles accordingly, purposed the next morning to fall
downe to the
Ilands of Bayon againe, and to remaine
there that day. But Generall Drake, according to their
apointment, being under saile never strooke at the Ilands,
but put straight to sea; whom all the fleet followed
saving three and thirty, which being in the river further
then he, and at the entrance out of the same, finding the
winde and tide too hard against them, were inforced to
cast ancre there for that night; amongst whom, by good
fortune, was the Foresight, and in her sir Edward Norris.
And the night folowing, Generall Norris being driven
from the rest of the Fleet by a great storme, (for all that
day was the greatest storme we had all the time we were
out) came againe into the Ilands, but not without great
perill, he being forced to trust to a Spanish Fisher-man
(who was taken two dayes before at sea) to bring him in.
The next morning he called a council of as many as
he found there, holding the purpose he had concluded
with sir Francis Drake the day before, and directed all
their courses for England, tarying there all that day to
water and helpe such with victuall, as were left in wonderfull distresse by having the victuals that came last, caried
away the day before to sea.
The next day he set saile, and the 10 day after, which
was the 2 of July came into Plimmouth, where he found
sir Francis Drake and all the Queens ships, with many of
the others but not all: for the Fleet was dispersed into
other harbors, some led by a desire of returning from
whence they came, and some being possessed of the
hulks, sought other Ports from their Generals eie, where
they might make their private commoditie of them, as
they have done to their great advantage.
Presently upon their arrivall there, the Generals dissolved all the armie saving 8 companies which are yet
held together, giving every souldier five shillings in money,
and the armes hee bare to make money of, which was.
more then could by any means be due unto them : for
they were not in service three moneths, in which time
they had their victuals, which no man will value at lesse
then halfe their pay, for such is the allowance in hermajesties ships to her mariners, so as there remained but
10 shillings a moneth more to be paid, for which there
was not any private man but had apparel and furniture
to his owne use, so as every common souldier discharged,
received more in money, victuals, apparell and furniture,
then his pay did amount unto.
Notwithstanding, there be even in the same place where
those things have passed, that either do not or will not
conceive the souldiers estate, by comparing their povertie
and the shortnesse of the time together, but lay some
injuries upon the Generals and the action. Where, and
by the way, but especially here in London, I find there
have bene some false prophets gone before us, telling
strange tales. For as our countrey doeth bring foorth
many gallant men, who desirous of honour doe put themselves into the actions thereof, so doeth it many more
dull spirited, who though their thoughts reach not so
high as others, yet doe they listen how other mens acts
doe passe, and either beleeving what any man will report
unto them, are willingly caried away into errors, or tied
to some greater mans faith, become secretaries against
a noted trueth. The one sort of these doe take their
opinions from the high way side, or at the furthest goe
no further then Pauls to enquire what hath bene done in
this voiage: where, if they meet with any, whose
capacitie before their going out could not make them live,
nor their valour maintaine their reputation, and who
went onely for spoile, complaining on the hardnesse and
misery thereof, they thinke they are bound to give
credite to these honest men who were parties therein, and
in very charitie become of their opinions. The others to
make good the faction they are entred into, if they see
any of those malecontents (as every journey yeeldeth
some) doe runne unto them like tempting spirits to
confirme them in their humour, with assurance that they
foresaw before our going out what would become thereof.
Be ye not therefore too credulous in beleeving every
report: for you see there have bene many more beholders
of these things that have passed, then actors in the same;
who by their experience, not having the knowledge of
the ordinarie wants of the warre, have thought, that to
lie hard, not to have their meat well dressed, to drinke
sometimes water, to watch much, or to see men die and
be slaine, was a miserable thing; and not having so given
their mindes to the service, as they are any thing
instructed thereby, doe for want of better matter discourse ordinarily of these things: whereas the journey (if
they had with that judgement seene into it, which their
places required) hath given them far more honorable
purpose and argument of discourse.
These mens discontentments and mislikings before our
comming home have made mee labour thus much to
instruct you in the certaintie of every thing, because I
would not willingly have you miscaried in the judgements
of them, wherein you shall give me leave somewhat to
dilate upon a question, which I onely touched in the
beginning of my letter, namely, whether it bee more
expedient for our estate to maintain an offensive war
against the king of Spaine in the Low countries, or as
in this journey, to offend him in his neerer territories,
seeing the grounds of arguing thereof are taken from the
experience which the actions of this journey have given
us.
There is no good subject that wil make question,
whether it be behoofeful for us to hold friendship with
these neighbours of ours or no, aswell in respect of the
infinite proportion of their shipping, which must stand
either with us or against us; as of the commoditie of
their harbors, especially that of Vlishing, by the favour
whereof our Navie may continually keepe the Narrow
seas, and which would harbour a greater Fleete agaynst
us, then the Spaniard shall need to annoy us withall, who
being now distressed by our common enemie, I thinke it
most expedient for our safetie to defend them, and if it
may be, to give them a reentrie into that they have of
late yeeres lost unto him. The one without doubt her
majestie may do without difficultie, and in so honorable
sort as he shal never be able to dispossesse her or them
of any the townes they now hold. But if any man thinke
that the Spaniard may be expelled from thence more
speedily or conveniently by keeping an armie there, then
by sending one against him into his owne countrey: let
him foresee of how many men and continuall supplies
that armie must consist, and what intollerable expenses
it requireth. And let him thinke by the example of the
duke of Alva
, when the prince of Orenge had his great
armie agaynst him; and of Don Juan, when the States
had their mightie assembly against him, how this wise
enemie, with whom we are to deale, may but by prolonging to fight with us, leave us occasions enough for
our armie within few moneths to mutine and breake; or
by keeping him in his townes leave us a spoyled field:
where though our provision may bee such of our owne
as we starve not, yet is our weaknesse in any strange
countrey such, as with sicknes and miserie we shall be
dissolved. And let him not forget what a continual
burthen we hereby lay upon us, in that to repossesse
those countreys which have been lately lost, wil be a
warre of longer continuance then we shall be able to
endure.
In the very action whereof, what should hinder the
king of Spaine to bring his forces home unto us? For
it is certaine he hath long since set downe in councell,
that there is no way for him wholy to recover those Low
countries, but by bringing the warre upon England it
selfe, which hath alwayes assisted them against him: and
that being determined, and whereunto he hath bene
vehemently urged by the last yeeres losse he sustained
upon our coasts, and the great dishonor this journey hath
laid upon him; no doubt if we shall give him respite to
doe it, but he will mightily advance his purpose, for he
is richly able thereunto, and wonderfull desirous of
revenge.
To encounter wherewith, I wish even in true and honest
zeale to my Countrey, that we were all perswaded that
there is rio such assured meanes for the safetie of our
estate, as to busy him with a well furnished armie in
Spaine, which hath so many goodly Bayes open, as we
may land without impeachment as many men as shall be
needfull for such an invasion. And having an armie of
20000 roially furnished there, we shall not need to take
much care for their payment: for shal not Lisbon
be
thought able to make so few men rich, when the Suburbs
thereof were found so abounding in riches, as had we
made enemie of them, they had largely enriched us all?
Which with what small losse it may be won, is not here
to shew; but why it was not won by us, I have herein
shewed you. Or is not the spoyle of Sivil sufficient to
pay more then shall bee needfull to bee sent against it,
whose defence (as that of Lisbone) is onely force of men,
of whom how many may for the present be raised, is not
to be esteemed, because wee have discovered what kind
of men they be, even such as will never abide ours in
field, nor dare withstand any resolute attempt of ours
agaynst them: for during the time we were in many
places of their countrey, they cannot say that ever they
made 20 of our men turne their faces from them. And be
there not many other places of lesse difficultie to spoyle,
able to satisfie our forces?
But admit, that if upon this alarme that we have given
him, he tendering his naturall and neerest soile before his
further remmooved off governments, do draw his forces
of old souldiers out of the Low countreys for his owne
defence, is not the victory then won by drawing and
holding them from thence, for the which we should have
kept an armie there at a charge by many partes greater
then this, and not stirred them?
Admit further our armie be impeached from landing
there, yet by keeping the Sea, and possessing his principall
roades, are we not in possibilitie to meet with his Indian
marchants, and very like to prevent him of his provisions
comming out of the East countreys; without the which,
neither the subject of Lisbon
is long able to live, nor
the king able to maintaine his Navie? For though the
countrey of Portugall doe some yeeres find themselves
corne, yet are they never able to victuall the least part
of that Citie. And albeit the king of Spaine be the
richest prince in
Christendome, yet can he neither draw
cables, hewe mastes, nor make pouder out of his mettals,
but is to be supplied of them all from thence. Of whom
(some will hold opinion) it is no reason to make prize,
because they bee not our enemies: and that our disagreeance with them will impeach the trade of our marchants,
and so impoverish our countrey. Of whose mind I can
hardly be drawen to be: For if my enemie fighting with
me doe breake his sword, so as I thereby have the
advantage against him; what shall I thinke of him that
putteth a new sword into his hand to kill me withall?
And may it not bee thought more fitting for us in these
times to loose our trades of Cloth, then by suffering these
mischiefes, to put in hazard whether we shall have a
countrey left to make cloth in or no? And yet though
neither Hamburgh, Embden, nor Stode doe receive our
cloth, the necessary use thereof in all places is such, as
they will find means to take it from us with our sufficient
commoditie.
And admit (which were impossible) that we damnifie him
neither at sea nor land (for unlesse it be with a much more
mightie armie then ours, he shall never be able to withstand us) yet shall we by holding him at his home, free
our selves from the warre at our owne wals: the benefit
whereof let them consider that best can judge, and have
observed the difference of invading, and being invaded;
the one giving courage to the souldier, in that it doeth
set before him commoditie and reputation; the other a
fearefull terror to the countrey-man, who if by chance he
play the man yet is he never the richer: and who knowing many holes to hide himselfe in, will trie them all
before he put his life in perill by fighting: whereas the
Invader casteth up his account before hee goeth out, and
being abroad must fight to make himselfe way, as not
knowing what place or strength to trust unto. I will not
say what I observed in our countrey-men when the enemy
offred to assaile us here: but I wish that all England knew
what terror we gave to the same people that frighted us,
by visiting them at their owne houses.
Were not Alexanders fortunes great against the mightie
Darius, onely in that his Macedonians thirsted after the
wealth of Persia, and were bound to fight it out to the
last man, because the last man knew no safer way to save
himselfe then by fighting? Whereas the Persians either
trusting to continue stil masters of their wealth by yeelding to the Invader, began to practise against their owne
king: or having more inward hopes, did hide themselves
even to the last, to see what course the Conquerour would
take in his Conquest. And did not the advise of Scipio,
though mightily impugned at the first, proove very sound
and honourable to his countrey? Who seeing the Romans
wonderfully amazed at the neerenesse of their enemies
Forces, and the losses they daily sustained by them, gave
counsell rather by way of diversion to cary an army into
Afrike, and there to assaile, then by a defensive warre
at home to remaine subject to the common spoiles of an
assailing enemie. Which being put in execution drew
the enemie from the gates of Rome, and Scipio returned
home with triumph: albeit his beginnings at the first
were not so fortunate against them, as ours have bene in
this smal time against the Spaniard. The good successe
whereof may encourage us to take armes resolutely
against him. And I beseech God it may stirre up all
men that are particularly interested therein, to bethinke
themselves how small a matter will assure them of their
safetie, by holding the Spaniard at a Baie, so farre off:
whereas, if we give him leave quietly to hatch and bring
foorth his preparations, it will be with danger to us
all.
He taketh not armes against us by any pretense of
title to the crowne of this realme, nor led altogether with
an ambicious desire to command our countrey, but with
hatred towards our whole Nation and religion. Her
majesties Scepter is already given by Bull to another, the
honours of our Nobilitie are bestowed for rewards upon
his attendants, our Clergie, our Gentlemen, our Lawyers,
yea all men of what condition soever are offered for
spoyle unto the common soldier. Let every man therefore, in defence of the libertie and plentie he hath of long
enjoyed, offer a voluntarie contribution of the smallest
part of their store for the assurance of the rest. It were
not much for every Justice of peace, who by his blew coat
protecteth the properest and most serviceable men at every
muster from the warres, to contribute the charge that one
of these idle men doe put him to for one yeere: nor for
the Lawyer, who riseth by the dissensions of his neighbours, to take but one yeeres gifts (which they call Fees)
out of his coffers. What would it hinder every officer of
the Exchequer, and other of her Majesties courts, who
without checke doe suddenly grow to great wealth,
honestly to bring foorth the mysticall commoditie of one
yeeres profits? Or the Clergie, who looke precisely for
the Tenths of every mans increase, simply to bring forth
the Tenth of one yeeres gathering, and in thankfulnesse
to her Majestie, (who hath continued for all our safeties
a most chargeable warre both at land & sea) bestow the
same for her honor & their owne assurance, upon an
army which may make this bloody enemy so to know himselfe and her Majesties power, as he shall bethinke him
what it is to moove a stirring people? Who, though they
have received some small checke by the sicknesse of this
last journey, yet doubt I not, but if it were made knowen,
that the like voyage were to bee supported by a generalitie,
(that might and would beare the charge of a more ample
provision) but there would of all sortes most willingly put
themselves into the same: some caried with an honorable
desire to be in action, and some in love of such would
affectionately folow their fortunes; some in thirsting to
revenge the death and hurts of their brethren, kinred, and
friends: and some in hope of the plentifull spoyles to be
found in those countreys, having bene there already and
returned poore, would desire to goe againe, with an
expectation to make amends for the last: and all, in
hatred of that cowardly proud Nation, and in contemplation of the true honour of our owne, would with courage
take armes to hazard their lives agaynst them, whom
every good Englishman is in nature bound to hate as an
implacable enemie to England, thirsting after our blood,
and labouring to ruine our land, with hope to bring us
under the yoke of perpetuall slaverie.
Against them is true honour to be gotten, for that we
shall no sooner set foot in their land, but that every step
we tread will yeeld us new occasion of action, which I
wish the gallantrie of our Countrey rather to regard then
to folow those soft unprofitable pleasures wherein they
now consume their time and patrimonie. And in two or
three townes of Spaine is the welth of all Europe gathered
together, which are the Magasins of the fruits and profits
of the East and West Indies, whereunto I wish our yong
able men, who, (against the libertie they are borne unto)
terme themselves Serving men, rather to bend their desires
and affections, then to attend their double liverie and 40
shillings by the yeere wages, and the reversion of the old
Copy-hold, for carying a dish to their masters table.
But let me here reprehend my selfe and crave pardon for
entring into a matter of such state and consequence, the
care whereof is already laid upon a most grave and honorable counsell, who wil in their wisdoms foresee the dangers
that may be threatned agaynst us. And why do I labour
to disquiet the securitie of these happy gentlemen, & the
trade of those honest serving men, by perswading them
to the warres when I see the profession thereof so slenderly
esteemed? For though all our hope of peace be frustrate,
and our quarels determinable by the sword: though our
enemy hath by his owne forces and his pensionaries
industry, confined the united Provinces into a narow
roume, & almost disunited the same: if he be now in a
good way to harbor himselfe in the principall havens of
France, from whence he may front us at pleasure: yea
though we are to hope for nothing but a bloodie warre,
nor can trust to any helpe but Armes; yet how far the
common sort are from reverencing or regarding any
persons of conduction, was too apparant in the returne
of this our journey, wherein the base and common souldier
hath bene tollerated to speake against the Captaine, and
the souldier and Captaine against the Generals, and
wherein mechanicall and men of base condicion doe dare
to censure the doings of them, of whose acts they be not
woorthy to talke.
The ancient grave degree of the Prelacie is upheld,
though Martin raile never so much, & the Lawyer is after
the old maner worshipped, whosoever inveigh against him.
But the ancient English honour is taken from our men of
war, & their profession in disgrace, though never so
necessary. Either we commit idolatry to Neptune, and
will put him alone stil to fight for us as he did the last
yeere, or we be inchanted with some divelish opinions, that
travell nothing more then to diminish the reputation of
them, upon whose shoulders the burden of our defence
against the enemie must lie when occasion shall be offred.
For whensoever he shall set foote upon our land, it is
neither the preaching of the Clergie that can turne him
out againe, nor the pleading of any Lawyers that can
remoove him out of possession : no, then they will honour
them whom now they thinke not on, and then must those
men stand betweene them and their perils, who are now
thought unwoorthy of any estimation.
May the burning of one towne (which cost the king then
being six times as much as this hath done her majestie,
wherein were lost seven times as many men as in any one
service of this journey, and taried not the tenth part of
our time in the enemies Countrey) be by our elders so
highly reputed and sounded out by the historic of the
Realme; and can our voyage be so meanly esteemed,
wherein we burned both townes and Countreys without
the losse of fortie men in any such attempt?
Did our kings in former times reward some with the
greatest titles of honour for overthrowing a number of
poore Scots, who, after one battell lost, were never able
to reenforce themselves against him; and shall they in
this time who have overthrowen our mightie enemie in
battell, and taken his roiall Standerd in the field, besieged
the marquesse of Saralba 15 dayes together, that should
have bene the Generall of the Armie against us, brought
away so much of his artillarie (as I have before declared)
be unwoorthily esteemed of ?
Is it possible that some in some times should receive
their reward for looking upon an enemie, and ours in this
time not receive so much as thanks for having beaten an
enemie at handie strokes?
But it is true that no man shall bee a prophet in his
Countrey : and for my owne part I will lay aside my Armes
till that profession shal have more reputation, and live
with my friends in the countrey, attending either some
more fortunate time to use them, or some other good
occasion to make me forget them.
But what? shall the blind opinion of this monster, a
beast of many heads, (for so hath the generalitie of old
bene termed) cause me to neglect the profession from
whence I chalenge some reputation, or diminish my love
to my countrey, which hitherto hath nourished me? No,
it was for her sake I first tooke armes, and for her sake I
will handle them so long as I shall be able to use them:
not regarding how some men in private conventicles do
measure mens estimations by their owne humors; nor
how every popular person doeth give sentence on every
mans actions by the worst accidents. But attending the
gracious aspect of our dread Soveraigne, who never yet
left vertue unrewarded: and depending upon the justice
of her most rare and grave advisors, who by their heedie
looking into every mans worth, do give encouragement
to the vertuous to exceed others in vertue: and assuring
you that there shall never any thing happen more pleasing
unto me, then that I may once againe bee a partie in some
honorable journey against the Spaniard in his owne countrey, I will cease my complaint: and with them that
deserve beyond me, patiently endure the unadvised censure
of our malicious reproovers.
If I have seemed in the beginning hereof troublesome
unto you, in the discovering of those impediments, and
answering the slanders which by the vulgar malicious and
mutinous sort are laid as blemishes upon the journey, and
reproches upon the Generals (having indeed proceeded
from other heads :) let the necessitie of conserving the
reputation of the action in generall, & the honors of our
Generals in particular, bee my sufficient excuse: the one
having by the vertue of the other made our country more
dreaded & renowmed, then any act that ever England
undertooke before. Or if you have thought my perswasible discourse long in the latter end; let the affectionate desire of my countreys good be therein answerable
for me. And such as it is I pray you accept it, as only
recommended to your selfe, and not to be delivered to
the publique view of the world, least any man take offence
thereat: which some particular men may seeme justly to
do, in that having deserved very well, I should not herein
give them their due commendations: whereas my purpose
in this private discourse hath bene onely to gratifie you
with a touch of those principall matters that have passed,
wherein I have onely taken notes of those men who either
commaunded every service, or were of chiefest marke: if
therefore you shall impart the same to one, and he to
another, and so it passe through my hands, I know not
what constructions would be made thereof to my prejudice; for that the Hares eares may happily be taken for
homes. Howbeit I hold it very necessary (I must confesse) that there should be some true manifestation made
of these things: but be it far from me to be the author
thereof, as very unfit to deliver my censure of any matter
in publique, & most unwilling to have my weaknesse
discovered in private. And so I doe leave you to the
happy successe of your accustomed good exercises,
earnestly wishing that there may be some better acceptance made of the fruits of your studies, then there hath
bene of our hazards in the wars. From London the 30 of
August 1589.
