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be done by the passage of a bill equalizing the pay of all soldiers for the future.
But, so far as my own regiment is concerned, this is but half the question.
My men have been nearly sixteen months in the service, and for them the immediate issue is the question of arrears.
They understand the matter thoroughly, if the public do not. Every one of them knows that he volunteered under an explicit written assurance from the War Department that he should have the pay of a white soldier.
He knows that for five months the regiment received that pay, after which it was cut down from the promised thirteen dollars per month to ten dollars, for some reason to him inscrutable.
He does not know — for I have not yet dared to tell the men — that the Paymaster has been already reproved by the Pay Department for fulfilling even in part the pledges of the War Department; that at the next payment the ten dollars are to be further reduced to seven; and that, to crown the whole, all the previous overpay is to be again deducted or “stopped” from the future wages, thus leaving them a little more than a dollar a month for six months to come, unless Congress interfere!
Yet so clear were the terms of the contract that Mr. Solicitor Whiting, having examined the original instructions from the War Department issued to Brigadier-General Saxton, Military Governor, admits to me (under date of December 4, 1863,) that “the faith of the Government was thereby pledged to every officer and soldier enlisted under that call.”
He goes on to express the generous confidence that “the pledge will be honorably fulfilled.”
I observe that every one at the North seems to feel the same confidence, but that, meanwhile, the pledge is unfulfilled.
Nothing is said in Congress about fulfilling it. I have not seen even a proposition in Congress to pay the colored soldiers, from date of enlistment, the same pay with white soldiers; and yet anything short of that is an unequivocal breach of contract, so far as this regiment is concerned.
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