[1286a]
[1]
and one whether it is expedient or inexpedient for one man to be sovereign
over everything. Now the study of a
military command of the kind mentioned has more the aspect of a legal than of a
constitutional inquiry (for it is possible for this form of office to
exist under all constitutions), so let it be dismissed at the first
stage1; but the remaining mode
of kingship is a kind of constitution, so that it is necessary to consider this
one and to run over the difficulties that it involves.And the starting-point of the inquiry is the question whether
it is more advantageous to be ruled by the best men or by the best laws.
Those of the opinion that it is
advantageous to be governed by a king think that laws enunciate only general
principles but do not give directions for dealing with circumstances as they
arise; so that in an art of any kind it is foolish to govern procedure by
written rules (and indeed in Egypt physicians have the right to alter their prescription
after four days, although if one of them alters it before he does so at his own
risk); it is clear therefore that government according to written
rules, that is laws, is not the best, for the same reason. At the same time,
however, rulers ought to be in possession of the general principle before
mentioned as well. And a thing that does not contain the emotional element is
generally superior to a thing in which it is innate; now the law does not
possess this factor, but every human soul
[20]
necessarily has it. But perhaps someone might say that in compensation for this a single ruler
will decide better about particular cases. Therefore it is clear that on the one
hand the ruler must necessarily be a legislator, and that there must or be laws
laid down, although these must not be sovereign2 where they go astray—admittedly in all other cases
they ought to be sovereign; but on the other hand in matters which it is
impossible for the law either to decide at all or to decide well, ought the one
best man to govern or all the citizens? As it is, the citizens assembled hear
lawsuits and deliberate and give judgements, but these judgements are all on
particular cases. Now no doubt any one of them individually is inferior compared
with the best man, but a state consists of a number of individuals, and just as
a banquet to which many contribute dishes is finer than a single plain dinner,
for this reason in many cases a crowd judges better than any single person.
Also the multitude is more
incorruptible—just as the larger stream of water is purer, so the mass
of citizens is less corruptible than the few; and the individual's judgement is
bound to be corrupted when he is overcome by anger or some other such emotion,
whereas in the other case it is a difficult thing for all the people to be
roused to anger and go wrong together. But the multitude must consist of the
freemen, doing nothing apart from the law except about matters as to which the
law must of necessity be deficient. And if this is not indeed easy to ensure in
the case of many men, yet if there were a majority of good men and good
citizens, would an individual make a more incorruptible ruler or rather those
who though the majority in number yet are all good?
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