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“ [401] inscribed on it,” unless it expressed or implied by unmistakable language that it was exchangeable for its equivalent in specie. In support of this honest contention, he urged, a few days later, that the first thing to be done in order to bring the country into a healthy financial condition was to “raise the national credit so that its promises to pay . . should be universally regarded as equal to the gold itself.”

As a fitting commemoration of Independence Day, Dana gave hearty commendation to Andrew Johnson's proclamation of amnesty to all political offenders. He and Greeley stood together on the wisdom of that liberal and timely measure. A few weeks later Dana declared that Jefferson Davis should also be pardoned, that no good could come from trying him for treason, and that he and his efforts against the Union “should be left to be dealt with by history.” In this he and Greeley stood together again, and it is most creditable to Dana that never at any time did he show the slightest ill-feeling, but, to the contrary, availed himself of every opportunity to commend the patriotism and ability of the man who had caused his discharge from the Tribune only a few years before. He strongly favored his election to the Senate, and recommended him for a place in the cabinet of Wade, in case that senator should be called upon to succeed President Johnson. But this is not all. When the public began to speculate on Grant's cabinet, Dana brought Greeley's name forward with those of E. B. Washburne and Marshall 0. Roberts, as in every way worthy of favorable consideration. Not satisfied with this, or fearing that Greeley would not be chosen, he set forth his special fitness for the position of minister to England, which has always been justly regarded as the most important post connected with the diplomatic service of the United States.

It will be recalled that although a rebellion against

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