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[80]

The latter the provisional government had inaugurated in a magnificent manifesto which the whole nation received with enthusiasm. This means had been most fruitful, for within two months all the sovereigns of Germany were obliged to settle accounts with their subjects. The cry of France had found an echo. Tie unity of Germany had begun to be founded. The German democracy were ridding themselves of their petty princes, and yet the allied monarchs were, as in ‘93, convinced that it would be necessary to conquer the revolutionary genius of France first to extinguish the conflagration around themselves, and then to destroy forever that France whence the revolution had gone forth.

The spirit of democracy had spread throughout the continent. The people of Italy and Hungary were like those of France and Germany, showing a firm determination to substitute republicanism for despotism. Local disturbances seemed about to merge themselves in European revolution, and the people were everywhere calling for help. But the provisional government wisely declined to send the French army on a democratic crusade. France had troubles of her own in abundance, and deeply as she might sympathize with the people of other countries, she drew lessons of wisdom from her past history, and finally planted herself firmly on the doctrine of non-intervention. It must be confessed that while Dana's views upon this important question are far in advance of the period in which they were uttered, they are none the less eloquent on that account. They are given at length in the extract which follows:

... The duty of France is not to undertake the propagation of Republican principles by armed force. She should not send her armies into a country to compel its people to accept a freedom for which they are not ripe, which they do not desire; but on the other hand it is her duty, neglect

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