[79]
people they will struggle to shake them off. Every new effort loosens the bonds somewhat, and if they made no effort they would never be loosened.
Monopolies, that oppress whole classes, “he added,” do not come off easily, but once off can never be restored, and whatever the agitation may cost let us remember this truth, which is too generally overlooked and too easily forgotten, that it cannot be as destructive, inhuman, and fatal in its consequences as the evil that occasions it. ... The struggle for freedom may be terrible, but the stagnation of oppression is more so. The French agitation has its sufferings, but a return to the old quiet would be worse.
And this seems to have been “truth” to
Dana throughout his life.
Agitation had no terrors for him, but remained as the breath of his nostrils in every great occasion, and even in every occasion which he thought to be great.
On September 28th he wrote two letters, the first of which related exclusively to French affairs, and the second to the progress of the revolution in
Germany,
Austria, and
Italy.
On October 4th he wrote his final letter from
Paris relating mostly to the policy of
France towards the surrounding countries.
I shall omit all reference at this time to the second, and confine myself to the consideration of the third.
It was a period of universal ferment.
The process of consolidation and reconstruction had everywhere begun.
Thrones were tottering, republics were rising, and constitutions were coming into existence.
France, having been the first to drive out the old and install the new, was regarded as the leader of modern
Europe.
All the elements of discontentment turned naturally towards her for guidance and assistance, and she was swift to promise both.
Ledru-Rollin had eloquently said:
There are two means of propagating Republican principles-one armed, that of force; the other pacific, that of ideas.
