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“ [76] living on the soil of the republic not to die of hunger, the guarantee of a subsistence procured by labor, and a series of institutions to make good that guarantee,” rather than with those who favored the measures that were passed. It is to be observed that this is merely an inference, and that he nowhere expresses his personal preference or opinion, but contents himself with reporting the discussions of the hour with a good deal of fullness, as bearing upon an acute question in France which had not yet made its appearance in his own country, but which might do so in the natural course of events.

It is only fair to remember that Dana was still gazing at the world with the eyes of curiosity rather than of matured judgment. He was gathering land reporting facts and opinions as he found them, and while he was doubtless thereby forming his own ideas tentatively at least, it was no part of his plan to express them in this correspondence, except upon such fundamental questions as had already been settled both for time and eternity. He favored individual liberty of conscience, religion, and labor; he stood for free opinions, free voting, free press, and free education. He sympathized with the poor and down-trodden. He hated tyranny, oppression, and privilege; he favored the elevation of the people by all proper means, and it is not to be denied that he thought those means might be brought forward more rapidly and more surely by a spirit of aggressive inquiry and investigation than by the conservative processes of evolution. In truth, it must be said he stood in awe of no speculation however bold, but appears to have held himself free to listen to every honest suggestion for the improvement of the human lot, no matter from what source it came or who stood forth as its champion.

It was about the middle of September that Louis Napoleon was elected a member of the National Assembly, in five departments by overwhelming majorities. The event

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